Media capture -7

 

7. Media capture:

Across almost every form of media in India – social, broadcast and print – Narendra Modi and the BJP hold sway.  With India amid a national election campaign, its news media is in sharp focus. Until recently it was believed that the sheer diversity of outlets ensured a range of perspectives, but now, India’s mainstream media has largely been co-opted by the BJP. 

The following excerpt, taken from Raju Narisetti’s chapter in “Media Capture: How Money, Digital Platforms, and Governments Control the News,” is one of the first pieces that explains in detail how reliance on advertising is a form of media capture — that is, when business cronies buy and control news outlets in order to further a political and often financial agenda — using the example of India. Media capture is a global problem, but India has a unique problem, which Narisetti explains. Narisetti shows how media reliance on advertising is extremely damaging for independent and investigative journalism. Overall conditions for journalism in India have worsened since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014. This chapter is part of a collection I edited, where we discuss the many different forms that media capture has taken around the world and the threats that investigative journalists face today. The roots of today’s increasingly captured media in India lie deep and go back a couple of decades to the seemingly innocuous newspaper business practices of India’s largest media company, the Bennett Coleman & Company Ltd. (BCCL), founded in 1838, whose flagship newspapers include the Times of India, the largest-selling newspaper in India, and the Economic Times, the market-leading business newspaper.  Early to recognize the highly value-conscious, middle-class urban Indian household as key to its commercial success, BCCL embarked on a strategy of “invitation price,” offering new newspaper readers a sharply discounted cover price for its newspapers, starting in Delhi in 1994, as part of an ambitious national expansion strategy for its flagship paper, the Times of India.  Today, this permanent “predatory pricing” typically offers an all-color, thirty-six- to forty-eight-page, multi-section, broadsheet daily newspaper for an average cover price of around four and a half rupees (six US cents). When the paper is bundled with a regional language or business newspaper from the same media house (the Times of India is bundled with the Navbharat Times in Hindi or the Economic Times), the combined price rarely exceeds seven rupees or about 10 US cents. This relatively cheap cover price is then significantly discounted for home delivery through multiple “trade schemes,” such as six-month-free deals for renewal, which further reduce the actual cost to the consumer.  Meanwhile, there is a long-standing tradition in Indian households of stacking up daily household newspapers after they are read, which are then bought each month by neighbourhood, door-to-door roving paper recyclers. Newspaper is typically sold for 10 to 12 rupees per kilogram, with a month’s worth of newspaper equivalent to about eight to 10 kilograms in weight. In essence, the household revenue from recycled newspapers in a month more or less covers a hefty portion of the discounted monthly subscription cost of that newspaper, thus making it almost “free” to subscribe to in that household. This explains, to some extent, the many multi-newspaper households in India and the continuing growth in circulation.

  

These days, journalist Siddique Kappan avoids controversial stories.

Last time he chased a major story, a shocking rape-and-murder case, it landed the father of three in jail for more than two years, and severely damaged his career and livelihood. The 44-year-old blames his incarceration on a worsening climate for journalists in India, where arrests and harassment are growing more common.

And he is far from the only journalist feeling squeezed out of their industry during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decade-long rule.

The government of the popular but divisive leader - who has not taken a single solo press conference while in office - stands accused by opponents of suppressing media pluralism and ratcheting up the use of anti-terror legislation against reporters.

And as Modi looks to win another five years in power in an ongoing nationwide election, critics fear further erosion of the protections afforded to India’s free press.  In October 2020, Kappan was working as a freelancer for a Malayalam-language news website. He was on his way to Hathras district, in northern Uttar Pradesh state, to report on the alleged gang rape and killing of a Dalit teenager by upper-caste men. India’s caste system was officially abolished decades ago, but the social hierarchy imposed on people by birth still exists in many aspects of life. Dalits are on the lowest rung.

Before he arrived at the scene, he was taken into police custody, charged under anti-terror and money laundering laws. The police alleged he was part of a conspiracy to disturb the peace in the area, but he said his arrest was an attempt to tamp down on coverage of the story.

He would spend 28 months in jail. Kappan was granted bail by the Supreme Court in February 2023, but while he currently walks free, his case is still making its way through the courts.  pposing his bail, the Uttar Pradesh government, led by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court. In the document, seen by CNN, it argued against bail on the grounds Kappan had been “writing articles targeted at spreading communal tensions” and was a part of a larger conspiracy to “foment religious discord and spread terror in the country.”

CNN has contacted the BJP at both the local and national level for comment on the case.  Since his bail, Kappan has struggled to find a permanent job to provide for his family. “The main reason is the fear of newspaper bosses, the media, which depends on government advertisement, who do not want to upset the government,” he told CNN.  He says he is wary of more cases being brought against him, and finds himself working on “safe zone” stories unlikely to ruffle feathers.  The treatment of journalists like Kappan has struck fear into many other reporters.  “There was nothing Kappan could have done differently to avoid arrest, except not going to report,” said Kaushik Raj, who works with several publications and writes on hate crimes. “This was chilling for me.”  India is one of the largest media markets in the world, according to the Paris-based group Reporters Without Borders (RSF), with more than 20,000 daily newspapers across the country and about 450 privately owned channels dedicated to news, which broadcast in dozens of languages.  Yet despite its size and diversity, critics say the media industry is growing increasingly subservient to Modi’s government.

here has been an enslavement of certain sections of the media which simply choke on any criticism no matter how innocuous of the prime minister and the BJP president. If a channel is less than pliant, it is blacked out for 24 hours, its premises are raided, or the offending journalists are mysteriously made to go on sabbatical or removed outright.  

Media capture in India refers to the undue influence or control exerted over media institutions by powerful interests, which often leads to biased reporting, censorship, and erosion of journalistic independence. This phenomenon, though not unique to India, has become a matter of significant concern in recent years as media capture can undermine democratic principles by restricting the free flow of information and limiting diverse viewpoints. Here’s a breakdown of how media capture manifests in India and its implications: 

 1. Corporate Ownership and Influence

   - Consolidation of Ownership: In India, a handful of large corporations own a significant portion of the media landscape, including television channels, newspapers, and digital outlets. This concentration of ownership limits the diversity of viewpoints and increases susceptibility to biases, as owners often have vested interests aligned with political or economic agendas.

   - Cross-Ownership: Some media conglomerates also own businesses in other sectors, such as real estate, energy, and telecommunications, creating conflicts of interest. These companies may avoid reporting on issues that could negatively impact their non-media interests.

- Advertising Dependence: Media outlets rely heavily on advertising revenue, a large portion of which comes from corporate advertisers and the government. This reliance can lead to favorable coverage for advertisers or self-censorship to avoid losing revenue. 

 2. Political Influence and Censorship

   - Direct Ownership and Control: Politicians or political affiliates directly owning media outlets is a common practice in India. Such control allows political figures to shape narratives, influence public opinion, and suppress unfavorable news.

   - Government Pressure: The Indian government, through its advertising budget, exerts substantial influence over the media. The government is one of the largest advertisers in India, and media outlets that are critical of government policies may face a reduction in advertising revenue or other retaliatory measures.

   - Legal Tools for Suppression: Laws like the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), sedition laws, and defamation charges have been used to target journalists and news organizations critical of the government, fostering a culture of fear and self-censorship. 

 3. Editorial Bias and Agenda-Driven Journalism

   - Lack of Editorial Independence: Journalists and editors often face pressure from media owners or external forces to align coverage with specific political or ideological leanings. This lack of independence results in selective reporting and a narrowed range of perspectives.

   - Sensationalism and TRP-Driven Content: The competition for Television Rating Points (TRPs) incentivizes sensationalism over serious journalism. Issues of national importance may be sidelined in favor of sensational stories that are more likely to attract viewers, often diverting attention from pressing social, economic, and political issues. 

 4. Challenges Faced by Independent Media

   - Limited Reach and Funding: Independent media outlets in India, particularly those operating in digital spaces, often have limited reach compared to mainstream media. They also struggle with funding, as advertisers may shy away from associating with platforms that produce critical or investigative content.

   - Harassment and Intimidation: Journalists and editors working with independent media frequently face harassment, including online abuse, threats, and even legal cases aimed at stifling critical reporting. This makes it increasingly difficult for independent outlets to operate freely and objectively. 

 5. Digital Media and Social Media Manipulation

   - Astroturfing and Disinformation: Social media platforms in India are often used to disseminate false information or amplify certain narratives favorable to specific political groups. Organized campaigns may involve "troll armies" or bots spreading disinformation, drowning out genuine voices and creating a skewed public perception.

   - Government Regulations on Digital Media: New rules under the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, have expanded government oversight over digital news platforms and social media. These regulations have raised concerns over privacy, editorial independence, and the potential for excessive government control over digital news content. 

 Implications of Media Capture on Democracy in India

The rise of media capture in India poses risks to democratic processes and informed citizenry. With fewer avenues for unbiased information, citizens may receive a distorted view of reality, which can weaken democratic discourse, civic engagement, and accountability. This media environment can also exacerbate social divides by promoting certain narratives and silencing others, which can polarize public opinion and fuel mistrust. 

 Possible Solutions and Reforms

   - Promoting Independent and Public Interest Journalism: Supporting independent media through public donations, grants, and international collaborations can help counterbalance the influence of large conglomerates.

   - Strengthening Regulatory Frameworks: Independent and transparent regulatory bodies could play a role in preventing monopolistic practices in media ownership and ensuring editorial independence.

   - Media Literacy and Awareness: Educating the public about media bias, disinformation, and the importance of diverse viewpoints can empower citizens to critically analyze media content and seek out unbiased information. 

In sum, media capture in India threatens the objectivity of news reporting, the diversity of voices in the public sphere, and the democratic principles of transparency and accountability. Addressing it will require systemic changes and a commitment to preserving a free and independent press.

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8. Weakening of institutions & profiteering Organization: 

The parliament is an inconvenience to this government which prefers to rule by fiat and ordinances. The prime minister rarely attends parliament, and when he does it is more to give electoral speeches than to lay out a legislative agenda or answer questions raised on the floor of the House. The promised Lokpal is so artfully forgotten that an irate Supreme Court has to direct action. An audacious chief minister promptly upon assuming office withdraws all criminal cases against himself and no one blinks. Electoral transparency is promised while bringing in unaccounted funding through regressive and opaque electoral bonds. The CBI is in the throes of a battle for credibility. The list goes on.