Sunday, July 31, 2022

Status of all Issues -1

 

1.  73 percent hate crimes against minorities after 2014

Cow vigilantism was the most common reason for attacks post-2014, with 77 such hate crimes recorded in the last five years. Overall, 124 cow-related hate crimes were recorded between May 24, 2014 and April 30, 2019,

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2.  Demonetisation in India :

This would be at the top of any list for its sheer lack of success and the widespread havoc that it inflicted on the economy. While being taught now as a cautionary tale in business schools overseas, it enjoys the unique distinction of having failed on every one of its stated objectives (combatting terror funding, fake notes and black money) while having wiped out jobs. Studies by noted economist Arun Kumar and the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy continue to illustrate that we are not out of the woods yet.

On November 8th, 86% of India’s currency was nullified in an effort to clean out “black money” and “counterfeit notes”; this effort resulted in a massive disruption to the existing social, political and economic functions of the world’s second largest emerging market. All 500 and 1,000 rupee notes were instantaneously voided, and a 50-day period ensued where the population could (ideally) redeem their cancelled cash for freshly issued 2,000 and later 500 rupee notes or deposit them into their respective bank accounts

Even the banks, debuted to do all the heavy lifting on the ground, weren’t kept in the loop; ill-equipped for the crisis and unable to make sense of an outlandish government order, they still managed to do a remarkable job despite not even having an adequate supply of new notes to balance out the nullified currency. With 86% of existing cash that was in circulation having been demonetized, the Indian Economy came to a sudden, screeching halt.

Demonetization in India, implemented in November 2016, was a drastic policy by the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, aimed at curbing black money, counterfeiting, and terrorism financing, while promoting a shift toward digital payments. The policy entailed the sudden invalidation of the 500- and 1000-rupee banknotes, which accounted for about 86% of India’s currency in circulation. Despite its initial intentions, demonetization has faced widespread criticism and is often seen as a failure for several reasons: 

 1. Black Money Retrieval

   - Expectation: One of the primary goals was to flush out black money (untaxed income or money earned through illegal means) held in cash, expecting that those with illicit wealth would abandon large sums of cash rather than deposit it in banks, which would bring such funds under scrutiny.

   - Outcome: According to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), 99.3% of the invalidated currency was eventually returned to the banking system, suggesting that only a minimal amount of black money was "destroyed." Those holding black money appear to have successfully laundered their funds through various means, like funneling money through low-income individuals' accounts, who then deposited the cash on behalf of others. 

 2. Economic Disruption

   - Cash-Dependent Economy: India has a predominantly cash-based economy, especially in rural and informal sectors. The sudden withdrawal of high-denomination notes caused a cash crunch, severely disrupting daily transactions for millions. This hit hardest on small businesses, informal labor, and rural areas that lacked easy access to banks or digital payment infrastructure.

   - GDP Impact: The immediate economic impact included a decline in GDP growth, with estimates suggesting a contraction in the GDP by about 1.5-2% in the quarters following demonetization. The informal sector, which employs a significant portion of India’s workforce, suffered due to reduced cash flow, leading to job losses and business closures. 

 3. Impact on Counterfeit Currency and Terrorist Financing

   - Counterfeit Currency: Demonetization aimed to reduce counterfeit currency in circulation by rendering the existing fake 500- and 1000-rupee notes worthless. While there was an initial dip, reports indicated that counterfeiters quickly adapted, producing fake notes of the new 500 and 2000 denominations.

   - Terror Financing: There was no long-term impact on terrorism financing, as terrorist groups and illegal networks adapted to alternative means of funding. Subsequent government and intelligence reports indicated continued infiltration of fake currency, highlighting that demonetization had only a temporary effect on such activities. 

 4. Push for Digital Payments and Formalization

   - Digital Payment Growth: One of the positive outcomes cited was the surge in digital payment adoption, as people had few alternatives during the cash shortage. Digital payments through apps and online banking spiked, and there was a push for expanding digital infrastructure.

   - Sustainability: However, the trend was not entirely sustainable. Once cash availability normalized, the growth rate of digital transactions slowed, and cash continued to play a dominant role in the economy. The structural changes needed for a permanent shift to digital transactions were not in place, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas with limited digital literacy and infrastructure. 

 5. Cost-Benefit Analysis and High Implementation Costs

   - Currency Printing and Logistics: The cost of printing new currency notes, recalibrating ATMs, and logistical adjustments was substantial. Estimates suggest that the cost of demonetization, including the economic losses due to productivity declines, may have outweighed the benefits.

   - Banking System Strain: The rush to deposit invalidated notes put significant strain on the banking system, which faced operational challenges and costs to handle the sudden surge. Long queues outside banks and ATMs became a common sight, and several individuals reportedly died due to the stress and delays associated with accessing their own money. 

 6. Public Sentiment and Political Impact

   - Public Inconvenience: Despite the widespread inconvenience and economic impact, public sentiment toward demonetization remained mixed, with many initially supporting the move as an anti-corruption measure. However, as the adverse effects on the economy became clear, skepticism grew, and many began to view the policy as poorly executed and ultimately ineffective.

   - Political Support: Politically, demonetization strengthened the government’s anti-corruption narrative, helping bolster the ruling party’s image as one that takes bold steps. This, however, was more in terms of perception than tangible results, as the expected impact on black money, corruption, and the informal economy did not materialize. 

 7. Post-Event Evaluations by Economists and Analysts

   - Mixed Reviews: Economists and financial experts largely criticized demonetization, arguing that the economic disruptions and costs far outweighed the benefits. Many consider it a case of poor policy planning and execution, highlighting that issues like black money and counterfeit currency require systemic reforms rather than sudden monetary interventions.

   - Global Perception: On a global scale, demonetization was met with skepticism. Many international economists and publications questioned the policy's logic, and some studies later concluded that demonetization had limited or even negative impacts on the broader economy.   Conclusion

Overall, while demonetization did succeed in increasing awareness of digital payments and contributed to a temporary increase in tax compliance, it largely failed to meet its stated goals of eradicating black money, reducing counterfeit currency, or disrupting terror financing. The economic disruptions, costs, and social inconvenience it created have led to a widespread view that the policy was ineffective and failed in its objectives. It is often cited as a cautionary example of the risks associated with sudden, large-scale economic interventions without thorough planning and consideration of long-term impacts.

Demonetization in India, implemented in November 2016, had a profound impact on the banking sector, bringing both opportunities and challenges. As banks were central to the demonetization process—handling deposits, withdrawals, and currency exchanges—they played a crucial role in managing the transition from old to new currency. Here’s a breakdown of how demonetization affected India’s banking sector:

 

 1. Surge in Deposits and Liquidity

   - Large Influx of Deposits: With 86% of the currency withdrawn from circulation, individuals and businesses deposited their cash holdings into bank accounts. This led to an unprecedented surge in bank deposits, providing banks with significant liquidity.

   - Short-Term Liquidity Surge: The surge in deposits enabled banks to reduce their borrowing needs from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and to offer loans at lower interest rates due to the increased funds. Many banks reduced their fixed deposit interest rates and began offering more competitive loan rates.

   - Challenges of Utilization: Although deposits increased, demand for loans remained subdued in the short term due to economic disruptions caused by demonetization. Banks faced challenges in effectively deploying the sudden liquidity, especially given pre-existing issues like non-performing assets (NPAs).

 

 2. Increase in CASA Deposits

   - Current and Savings Account (CASA) Growth: The influx of cash led to a substantial increase in CASA deposits, which are generally low-cost funds for banks compared to fixed deposits. This improved the overall cost structure for banks, allowing them to operate with more affordable funds.

   - Temporary Spike: The increase in CASA deposits was somewhat temporary, as much of the cash inflow was withdrawn once cash availability stabilized. However, banks did manage to retain a portion of these deposits, helping strengthen their deposit base in the medium term.

 

 3. Push for Digital Banking and Financial Inclusion

   - Accelerated Digital Banking Growth: With cash in short supply, demonetization accelerated the shift to digital payments. Banks saw a rise in the use of online banking, mobile banking, and digital wallets, and expanded their digital infrastructure to meet this growing demand.

   - Financial Inclusion Efforts: Banks were encouraged to open accounts for those without banking access, increasing financial inclusion efforts. This period saw increased use of the Jan Dhan accounts (basic no-frills accounts for the unbanked), although many of these accounts later saw dormant status once the initial period passed.

 

 4. Operational Challenges and Increased Workload

   - Heavy Workload and Logistical Issues: Demonetization placed a massive burden on the operational resources of banks. Bank staff had to manage long queues, deposit and withdrawal limits, and a constant flow of customers seeking currency exchange.

   - Extended Working Hours: Bank employees worked extended hours to meet demand, with branches often experiencing overcrowding and high-stress situations. This workload and the shortage of new currency notes strained bank operations and impacted employee morale and productivity.

   - ATM Recalibration: ATMs across the country needed recalibration to dispense the new 500 and 2000 rupee notes, which took several weeks and affected service levels. This led to cash shortages in ATMs, further exacerbating the inconvenience for customers.

 

 5. Non-Performing Assets (NPA) Situation

   - Impact on Lending and NPA Management: Although demonetization created liquidity for banks, it did not necessarily lead to increased lending. Many businesses, especially small and medium enterprises (SMEs), were adversely affected by the cash crunch, leading to a temporary slowdown in demand for credit.

   - Increased NPA Risks: The economic slowdown following demonetization, particularly in the cash-intensive informal sector, increased the risk of loan defaults. The banking sector, already grappling with high levels of NPAs prior to demonetization, faced additional pressure as the economic impact of demonetization contributed to stress among certain borrower segments, especially SMEs.

 

 6. Reduction in Cash Dependency and Compliance Focus

   - Enhanced Banking Compliance: With more cash flowing into formal channels, banks were required to adhere to enhanced compliance standards for cash deposits, withdrawals, and large transactions, aimed at tracking and discouraging black money circulation.

   - KYC Norms and Account Monitoring: Banks increased their focus on Know Your Customer (KYC) compliance, monitoring accounts for unusual activity as individuals attempted to deposit large amounts of cash. This placed additional compliance demands on banks, which needed to report suspicious activity to authorities.

 

 7. Shift in Consumer Banking Behavior

   - Encouragement of Savings and Account Activity: The surge in deposits and push for digital transactions encouraged customers to keep their money in bank accounts rather than hoarding cash. This led to a slight cultural shift in savings behavior, as people became more accustomed to using banks for transactions.

   - Growth in Retail Banking Products: With higher liquidity, banks could expand their retail lending portfolios. While short-term demand for loans was muted, banks gradually started offering more competitive rates on retail products like home loans, personal loans, and vehicle loans, hoping to increase credit growth.

 

 8. Profitability and Interest Rate Dynamics

   - Reduced Margins on Loans and Deposits: The influx of low-cost deposits and surplus liquidity allowed banks to reduce lending rates, which benefitted borrowers. However, it also meant narrower margins for banks as interest rates on loans decreased.

   - Impact on Profits: The costs of handling demonetization—additional staffing, increased compliance and security measures, and operational disruptions—affected banks’ profitability in the short term. However, the increase in deposits, especially in CASA, somewhat offset these costs.

 

 9. Policy and Regulatory Changes

   - Increased RBI Oversight: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) played a significant role during demonetization, guiding banks on exchange and deposit limits, compliance measures, and handling liquidity. The process revealed operational challenges and led to discussions on improving policy and response mechanisms for future crises.

   - Focus on Financial Stability: Post-demonetization, banks faced pressure to strengthen financial stability and improve risk management processes. The emphasis on financial stability highlighted the need for banks to be prepared for abrupt shifts in policy or market conditions.

 

 Conclusion: Lasting Impacts on India’s Banking Sector

Demonetization brought about a period of rapid change and disruption in India’s banking sector. While it created a short-term surge in deposits and encouraged a shift towards digital banking, these changes were met with several operational and economic challenges. The strain on resources, increased compliance demands, and impact on NPAs were significant issues that banks had to manage.

 

In the long term, demonetization did help strengthen financial inclusion and digital banking, with a more gradual increase in digital payments and greater acceptance of formal banking channels. However, it also underscored the need for a balanced approach in economic policymaking, especially for policies with far-reaching consequences for the banking sector and the economy as a whole.

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Unplanned trials:

For one all the black money is not stored in the form of cash only and secondly, the measure takes care of the result but not the cause-black money is generated mainly because of corruption and tax evasion. This measure controls the usage of black money but cannot control the causes

Sudden and huge demand for the new currencies

Panic amongst the common man (already we have seen the case wherein people have looted fair price shop in MP, Cash Carrying companies seeking higher insurance, etc). already the panic has led to people hoarding currencies which have further reduced the liquidity in the market

The small trade/shopkeepers are facing difficulties

Black marketing of the new notes/currencies is on the rise

The establishments such as banks, hospitals, etc are under a lot of stress

Another area that is a cause of worry is the likely drop in the rural demand as the cash usage will become restricted. Apart from this, the experts are also expecting an impact on the SME sector, agricultural production (the economy was expected to perform well as there was an expectation of a good rabi crop after two bad monsoons but a prominent economist, Pronab Sen has said that demonetization is akin to third bad monsoon year as it will have an impact on agricultural production, but the more dangerous situation is this having a spillover effect on to fertilizer, tractor sectors)

 Challenges and difficulties faced:

The coverage of the banking sector-

Only 27% of the villages have a bank within 5 Kms (as per Economic Survey 2015-16)

Despite recording breaking implementation of JDY, the banking penetration is low-on an average 46% in all the states (as per Economic Survey 2015-16)

Another challenge in implementing and eradicating black money would be the presence of the informal economy. It accounts for 45% of GDP and 80% of employment hence this move may have a greater impact on the informal economy

Logistics and cost challenges of replacing all the Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes – as per the RBI documents this measure would cost at least Rs 12000 crore as it has to replace over 2300 crore pieces of these currencies

The decision to issue Rs 2000 denomination currency and withdrawal of Rs 500 and Rs 1000 currency will lead to huge challenge as most of the day to day transactions in India are centered around Rs 500 note (more than 47% of the value of notes in circulation is in Rs 500 note form)

The availability of Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes will be the biggest challenge as both of them covered over 85% in terms of the value of total currencies issued

The process has led to huge rush and long queues of the people in front of ATMs and as per the statement of the finance minister the ATM recalibration would take around 2 to 3 weeks

As per data furnished by the Finance Ministry, Rs 17,50,000 crore worth of currency notes were in circulation in October-end, out of which over 85% percent or Rs 14,50,000 crore is in the now-defunct Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes. So far for the first four days, the government has been able to pump in Rs 50000 cr (on an average 12500 Cr). 


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Demonetization in India, carried out in November 2016, had far-reaching impacts on the economy. The abrupt withdrawal of 500- and 1000-rupee notes, which comprised around 86% of the currency in circulation, aimed to combat black money, curb counterfeit currency, and promote digital payments. While it initially gained public support as an anti-corruption measure, the outcomes have since been widely debated. Here’s a breakdown of the major economic impacts:

 

 1. Immediate Contraction of Economic Activity

   - Cash Shortage: The sudden removal of high-value currency caused a severe cash shortage, hitting the cash-dependent informal sector and rural areas the hardest. Sectors like agriculture, retail, and small-scale manufacturing, which primarily operated in cash, experienced disruptions in production, sales, and wages.

   - GDP Slowdown: India's GDP growth rate fell sharply in the quarters following demonetization, with estimates suggesting a loss of around 1.5-2% of GDP growth in the short term. The informal sector was particularly affected, as it relies heavily on cash transactions.

 

 2. Impact on Small Businesses and the Informal Sector

   - Cash-Based Businesses Struggled: Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the informal sector, which employ a large portion of India’s workforce, were disproportionately impacted. These businesses, which usually operate with limited cash reserves, faced challenges in paying employees, purchasing supplies, and maintaining operations.

   - Job Losses: Due to reduced cash flow, many small businesses were forced to cut jobs or close temporarily. This led to temporary but significant job losses, especially among daily wage earners, casual laborers, and those in low-income brackets who could not adapt quickly to digital payments.

 

 3. Digital Payments and Financial Inclusion

   - Growth in Digital Transactions: Demonetization gave a temporary boost to digital transactions, as people adapted to mobile wallets, online banking, and card payments. This marked a significant shift toward digital financial services and encouraged innovations in payment technology and fintech.

   - Sustainability Challenges: While digital payments saw a rise, the adoption was not entirely sustained once cash availability normalized. Cash remained the preferred medium of transaction, especially in rural areas. However, demonetization did increase the overall awareness and usage of digital payments, which continued to grow gradually thereafter.

 

 4. Impact on Black Money and Counterfeit Currency

   - Limited Success in Curbing Black Money: One of the main objectives was to combat black money held in cash. However, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) reported that 99.3% of demonetized currency was returned to banks, indicating that most cash holdings were either legitimate or successfully laundered into the system.

   - Counterfeit Currency: There was an initial decrease in counterfeit currency as old notes were invalidated. However, counterfeiters quickly adapted to the new denominations, and by 2018, fake 500- and 2000-rupee notes were again in circulation. This suggested that demonetization had only a temporary impact on counterfeit currency.

 

 5. Banking Sector Effects

   - Increased Deposits and Liquidity: With most of the demonetized currency deposited into bank accounts, banks saw a substantial surge in deposits. This improved liquidity allowed banks to reduce lending rates and increase lending activity in the medium term.

   - Operational Strain: Banks faced immense pressure to process the high volume of deposits, withdrawals, and currency exchanges. Additionally, banks incurred significant costs in recalibrating ATMs and managing cash logistics, which affected their profitability.

 

 6. Impact on Consumption and Investment

   - Reduced Consumer Spending: The cash shortage negatively impacted consumer spending, particularly on non-essential goods and services. This slowdown in consumption hit sectors like real estate, automobiles, jewelry, and retail, which experienced decreased demand.

   - Delayed Investments: With businesses grappling with cash flow disruptions, many postponed planned investments, particularly in the small and medium enterprise (SME) sector. The uncertainty surrounding the economy during demonetization also led to cautious spending and investment behavior among both businesses and consumers.

 

 7. Real Estate and Housing Market Decline

   - Impact on Real Estate: Real estate, a sector often associated with cash transactions and informal dealings, saw a sharp decline in transactions. Property prices in some areas dropped temporarily, and the sector took longer to recover due to the drying up of cash flow.

   - Long-Term Reforms: Demonetization, along with subsequent policies like the Real Estate (Regulation and Development) Act (RERA) and the Goods and Services Tax (GST), pushed the real estate sector toward greater transparency and formalization. However, the initial impact was a significant reduction in transactions and project delays.

 

 8. Agricultural Sector Challenges

   - Disruption in Rural Economy: The agricultural sector, where cash transactions dominate, was heavily affected. Farmers faced difficulties selling produce, purchasing seeds, and paying laborers due to limited cash availability.

   - Delayed Rural Payments: Many rural households, including farmers, were not fully integrated into the banking system and had limited access to ATMs. This led to delays in rural payments, impacting agricultural productivity and rural incomes.

 

 9. Increase in Tax Compliance and Formalization

   - Higher Tax Filings: Demonetization led to an increase in tax filings and compliance as more cash transactions entered the formal financial system. The government reported an increase in tax collections and filings in the years following demonetization.

   - Formalization of Economy: Some informal businesses were pushed toward formalization as they had to open bank accounts, maintain records, and file taxes to access their funds. This was one of the lasting effects of demonetization, as it accelerated the shift toward a more formalized economy.

 

 10. Inflationary and Monetary Policy Impacts

   - Short-Term Deflationary Impact: The contraction in demand following demonetization led to a temporary decrease in inflation rates. However, as the economy recovered, inflation rates returned to pre-demonetization levels.

   - Monetary Policy Adjustments: The RBI had to adjust its policies to manage the excess liquidity in the banking system, implementing measures like the issuance of cash management bills and adjusting the reverse repo rate to manage inflationary pressures.

 

 Long-Term Perspective on Economic Impact

While demonetization had several immediate adverse effects on India’s economy, it also led to some long-term changes, particularly in terms of promoting digital payments and formalizing parts of the informal economy. However, the intended goals—curbing black money, reducing counterfeit currency, and discouraging corruption—were only partially achieved.

 

In hindsight, demonetization is often viewed as a disruptive policy with limited effectiveness in achieving its stated goals. Its economic impact underscores the importance of careful planning, thorough risk assessment, and phased implementation in large-scale economic reforms to minimize unintended consequences.

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Yes, one of the main criticisms of India's 2016 demonetization policy is that it largely failed to achieve its objective of reducing black money. According to data from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), around 99.3% of the demonetized 500- and 1000-rupee notes—amounting to approximately ₹15.31 lakh crore out of ₹15.41 lakh crore in circulation—were returned to the banking system.

 

This statistic contradicted initial expectations. When demonetization was implemented, it was assumed that a significant portion of the black money held in cash would not be returned to the formal banking system, as people with illicit wealth would be unable or unwilling to declare and deposit their unaccounted cash. However, nearly all of the withdrawn currency made its way back to the banks. Here’s why demonetization had limited success in curbing black money:

 

 1. Mechanisms for Cash Laundering

   - People holding unaccounted cash found ways to convert it into legitimate money through various means: using proxies (known as "money mules") to deposit cash into their accounts, making small deposits across multiple accounts, or using businesses to disguise illicit funds as business income.

   - Gold purchases, property transactions, and even fictitious loans were utilized to convert cash holdings into legal assets during the demonetization period.

 

 2. Black Money Is Not Primarily Held in Cash

   - A significant portion of black money in India is held in non-cash assets like real estate, gold, and foreign bank accounts, which were untouched by demonetization.

   - High-value assets and investments in offshore accounts or shell companies are common methods of holding black money, which demonetization did not address.

 

 3. Recycling of Cash into the System

   - A large number of people holding black money managed to recycle their cash holdings by depositing it in others’ accounts, especially through Jan Dhan accounts (bank accounts primarily for low-income individuals). In many cases, they offered a commission or fee to individuals in exchange for making deposits on their behalf.

 

 4. Impact on Genuine Cash Holders

   - Instead of curbing black money, demonetization often impacted small traders, daily wage workers, and rural households more severely, as these groups typically depend on cash savings and lack access to banking facilities. For these populations, the invalidation of high-denomination currency was disruptive to daily life and livelihoods.

   - Meanwhile, those with black money were often able to find ways to launder their cash, meaning that much of the actual unaccounted wealth continued to circulate in the economy.

 

 5. Temporary Impact on Counterfeit Currency and Terror Financing

   - While demonetization temporarily reduced counterfeit currency, it was a short-lived effect. Counterfeiters adapted and began circulating fake notes in the new 500 and 2000 denominations within a few months.

   - Terror financing and other illicit activities also adapted to alternate methods of funding, which mitigated the long-term impact that demonetization could have had on these activities.

 

 6. Increased Tax Compliance and Formalization of Some Sectors

   - Although demonetization didn’t substantially curb black money, it did lead to an increase in tax compliance and filings in the following years, as more cash transactions came under scrutiny. There was also a push toward financial inclusion, with new bank accounts being opened, especially in rural areas.

   - However, while this formalization did increase the scope of banking and digital payments, it didn’t fundamentally solve the problem of black money stored in non-cash forms.

 

 Conclusion: Limited Success in Targeting Black Money

In hindsight, demonetization had only a limited impact on black money. The vast majority of demonetized notes were returned to the banks, indicating that people holding large sums of cash were able to launder it. The expectation that black money holders would abandon their cash didn’t materialize, and it became evident that black money in India is predominantly stored in non-cash assets, which demonetization failed to address.

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5. The betrayal of farmers

Farmer suicides rose sharply during the Modi government’s tenure. In its final budget, the BJP on the demand of minimum support price plus 50%, gave a version that satisfied no one. In parallel, the Modi government imported wheat and pulses without thought – leading to the prices of domestic produce crashing. Add to this – the ill-advised venture to amend the land acquisition Act of 2013; to forcibly acquire the land of farmers.

Farmers have resorted to all manner of agitations to catch the BJP government’s attention. They have marched and held large scale agitations thrice this year. They have brought the mortal remains of their brethren, who committed suicide, to shock this government into action. The children of those farmers who took their own lives held peaceful protests barely a kilometre away from parliament. Not a single representative from the BJP Government deigned to meet with any of them or even acknowledge their presence.

6. Rafale deal :

The prime minister and his cohorts changed the terms of a deal to acquire fewer jets for three times the price without following the stipulated procurement procedure. When cornered with questions, the government chose to attack the opposition and cite rules of privacy which were contradicted by the French president in an interview to an Indian channel. The Rafale controversy attracts questions also because of the selection of a private party as an offset partner – one who lacked any qualifications in this regard, except for an obvious proximity to the Prime Minister.

7. Media capture:

There has been an enslavement of certain sections of the media which simply choke on any criticism no matter how innocuous of the prime minister and the BJP president. If a channel is less than pliant, it is blacked out for 24 hours, its premises are raided, or the offending journalists are mysteriously made to go on sabbatical or removed outright.  

Media capture in India refers to the undue influence or control exerted over media institutions by powerful interests, which often leads to biased reporting, censorship, and erosion of journalistic independence. This phenomenon, though not unique to India, has become a matter of significant concern in recent years as media capture can undermine democratic principles by restricting the free flow of information and limiting diverse viewpoints. Here’s a breakdown of how media capture manifests in India and its implications: 

 1. Corporate Ownership and Influence

   - Consolidation of Ownership: In India, a handful of large corporations own a significant portion of the media landscape, including television channels, newspapers, and digital outlets. This concentration of ownership limits the diversity of viewpoints and increases susceptibility to biases, as owners often have vested interests aligned with political or economic agendas.

   - Cross-Ownership: Some media conglomerates also own businesses in other sectors, such as real estate, energy, and telecommunications, creating conflicts of interest. These companies may avoid reporting on issues that could negatively impact their non-media interests.

List of news media ownership in India :



   - Advertising Dependence: Media outlets rely heavily on advertising revenue, a large portion of which comes from corporate advertisers and the government. This reliance can lead to favorable coverage for advertisers or self-censorship to avoid losing revenue. 

 2. Political Influence and Censorship

   - Direct Ownership and Control: Politicians or political affiliates directly owning media outlets is a common practice in India. Such control allows political figures to shape narratives, influence public opinion, and suppress unfavorable news.

   - Government Pressure: The Indian government, through its advertising budget, exerts substantial influence over the media. The government is one of the largest advertisers in India, and media outlets that are critical of government policies may face a reduction in advertising revenue or other retaliatory measures.

   - Legal Tools for Suppression: Laws like the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), sedition laws, and defamation charges have been used to target journalists and news organizations critical of the government, fostering a culture of fear and self-censorship. 

 3. Editorial Bias and Agenda-Driven Journalism

   - Lack of Editorial Independence: Journalists and editors often face pressure from media owners or external forces to align coverage with specific political or ideological leanings. This lack of independence results in selective reporting and a narrowed range of perspectives.

   - Sensationalism and TRP-Driven Content: The competition for Television Rating Points (TRPs) incentivizes sensationalism over serious journalism. Issues of national importance may be sidelined in favor of sensational stories that are more likely to attract viewers, often diverting attention from pressing social, economic, and political issues. 

 4. Challenges Faced by Independent Media

   - Limited Reach and Funding: Independent media outlets in India, particularly those operating in digital spaces, often have limited reach compared to mainstream media. They also struggle with funding, as advertisers may shy away from associating with platforms that produce critical or investigative content.

   - Harassment and Intimidation: Journalists and editors working with independent media frequently face harassment, including online abuse, threats, and even legal cases aimed at stifling critical reporting. This makes it increasingly difficult for independent outlets to operate freely and objectively. 

 5. Digital Media and Social Media Manipulation

   - Astroturfing and Disinformation: Social media platforms in India are often used to disseminate false information or amplify certain narratives favorable to specific political groups. Organized campaigns may involve "troll armies" or bots spreading disinformation, drowning out genuine voices and creating a skewed public perception.

   - Government Regulations on Digital Media: New rules under the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, have expanded government oversight over digital news platforms and social media. These regulations have raised concerns over privacy, editorial independence, and the potential for excessive government control over digital news content. 

 Implications of Media Capture on Democracy in India

The rise of media capture in India poses risks to democratic processes and informed citizenry. With fewer avenues for unbiased information, citizens may receive a distorted view of reality, which can weaken democratic discourse, civic engagement, and accountability. This media environment can also exacerbate social divides by promoting certain narratives and silencing others, which can polarize public opinion and fuel mistrust. 

 Possible Solutions and Reforms

   - Promoting Independent and Public Interest Journalism: Supporting independent media through public donations, grants, and international collaborations can help counterbalance the influence of large conglomerates.

   - Strengthening Regulatory Frameworks: Independent and transparent regulatory bodies could play a role in preventing monopolistic practices in media ownership and ensuring editorial independence.

   - Media Literacy and Awareness: Educating the public about media bias, disinformation, and the importance of diverse viewpoints can empower citizens to critically analyze media content and seek out unbiased information. 

In sum, media capture in India threatens the objectivity of news reporting, the diversity of voices in the public sphere, and the democratic principles of transparency and accountability. Addressing it will require systemic changes and a commitment to preserving a free and independent press.

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8. Weakening of institutions & profiteering Organization: 

The parliament is an inconvenience to this government which prefers to rule by fiat and ordinances. The prime minister rarely attends parliament, and when he does it is more to give electoral speeches than to lay out a legislative agenda or answer questions raised on the floor of the House. The promised Lokpal is so artfully forgotten that an irate Supreme Court has to direct action. An audacious chief minister promptly upon assuming office withdraws all criminal cases against himself and no one blinks. Electoral transparency is promised while bringing in unaccounted funding through regressive and opaque electoral bonds. The CBI is in the throes of a battle for credibility. The list goes on.

9.  The cultivation of hate:

There has been a sharp increase in targeted attacks on Dalits and members of the minority community. What makes these attacks unique is the state endorsement to the attackers when ministers garland them or reverentially attend their funerals. The message of support is lost on no one. In fact, the only coherent thread running through this government’s term has been the othering of a certain section of India. People who are blessed to be followed by the prime minster share only one other thing in common. They are defiantly communal and abusive. Almost as if they have official sanction.7. 

10. The mishandling of Kashmir

This government deserves the credit of having alienated the Kashmiri people from the rest of India through a poorly thought out engagement policy. For the first time, since the 1996, by-elections could not be held in the district of Anantnag and had to be delayed because of the tense situation. Eight month long curfews destroyed the local economy. Worse still, there was a marked increase (72%) in the number of our soldiers martyred in just the first three years of the BJP’s term. The extremely inept handling of Kashmir deserves a study unto itself.

11 February 2019 – Pulwama suicide attack resulting in death of 40 CRPF personnel while Narendra Modi was shooting for Discovery in Jim Corbett National park.

12. Ban on Triple talak : 25-30 July 2019 – The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill, 2019 bill which will ban Triple talaq was passed by Lok Sabha on 25 July 2019[29] and then by Rajya Sabha on 30 July 2019,[30] and received the presidential ascent soon thereafter. The bill stands to be retrospectively effective from 19 September 2018

13. Article 370 :  August 2019– Home Minister Amit Shah moved a presidential resolution to scrap Article 370 in the Rajya Sabha,[31] and also a bill to reorganize the state, creating the new union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.

14. Ram Janmabhoom  November 2019– India's Supreme Court rules to hand over the disputed site (2.77 acres) to a government-created trust to built the Ram Janmabhoomi temple, it also ruled to the government to provide an alternate 5 acres of land to the Sunni Waqf Board to built a mosque.

15. Electoral bonds make political donations opaque, but the Modi government says they bring transparency. The full list of the Modi government’s lies could fill a library.   Electoral Bonds were a mode of funding for political parties in India from their introduction in 2017 till they were struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court on 15 February 2024.  Electoral bond would be issued/purchased for any value, in  multiples of `1,000, `10,000, `1,00,000, `10,00,000 and `1,00,00,000 from the specified branches of the State Bank of India (SBI)

16. CA / NRC : Narendra Modi said on the top of his voice that there had been no talk of a National Register of Citizens (NRC) in his government, when in fact both the President of India and the Home Minister had said it in Parliament.

17. EVM machines and Election commission:

EVM Machine and VVPAT have always been the bone of contention between winning and losing side. There are about 120 countries that practice democracy. Of these, only about 25 have experimented with or used electronic voting machines to elect their governments.  A cyber expert from the US has claimed that machines can be hacked.  The cyber expert will display the live hacking of EVMs at an event today.  Even the BJP has questioned the credibility of these machines when it was in Opposition.

The first resolution was on EVM and VVPAT counting in which they said that it is recognised that purely EVM-based voting and counting does not comply with "democracy principles" which require that each voter should be able to verify that his or her vote is cast-as-intended; recorded-as-cast and counted-as-recorded.  They claimed electronic voting machines (EVMs) cannot be assumed to be tamper-proof.  "The voting process should be redesigned to be software and hardware independent in order to be verifiable or auditable. The VVPAT (voter verifiable paper audit trail) system should be re-designed to be fully voter-verified. A voter should be able to get the VVPAT slip and cast it in a chip-free ballot box for the vote to be valid and counted," the resolution stated.   It is said that software inside the chip is playing vital role for those who wants to manipulate Election via EVM.  If Indian public is suspicious about the Election via EVM then, it is better to go for Ballot Papers, so that they could be confident enough that elected Government is elected by them to rule the country.


19. List of Modi Government Schemes: The Modi government has started many welfare schemes which include:

  1. Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao, 
  2. Swachchh Bharat Mission, 
  3. PM Mudra Yojna, 
  4. Atal Pension Yojna, 
  5. Smart city scheme, 
  6. Make in India 


 Scheme / programme

 Starting date  

    Objective of Scheme

 1. Jan Dhan Yojna

 28 August, 2014

 To connect more and more peoples from the banking services

 2. Skill India Mission

 28 August, 2014

 Skill Development in Youth

 3. Make in India

 28 September, 2014

 Promoting manufacturing Sector in the country

 4. Swachh Bharat Mission

 2 October, 2014

 Making India a clean country till October 2, 1919

 5. Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana

 11 October, 2014

 Development in the villages which includes social development, cultural development.

 6. Shramew Jayate Yojana

 16 October, 2014

 Plan dedicated to labour development

 7. Beti Bachao Beti Padhao

 22 January, 2015

 The goal of this scheme is to make girls socially and financially self-reliant through education.

 8. Hridaya Plan

 21 January, 2015

 To take care of world heritage sites and to make these sites economically viable.

 9. PM Mudra Yojna

 8 April , 2015

 Loan to small businessmen from 50 thousand to 10 lakh

 10. Ujala Yojana

01-May-15

 Distribution of LED bulbs at a low price to reduce electricity consumption

 11. Atal Pension Yojna

 9 May, 2015

 Monthly pension for people from the unorganized sector b/w age of 18 to 40 years

 12. Prime Minister Jyoti Jyoti Bima Yojna

 9 May, 2015

 Life Insurance of Rs. 2 lakh for people b/w 18 to 50 years (@Premium of Rs. 330 per annum)

 13. Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana

 9 May, 2015

 General insurance/accident insurance for people between 18 and 70 years of 2 lakh (at a premium of 12 Rs. / year)

 14. Smart city scheme

 25 June, 2015

 Developing 100 selected cities of the country as smart cities from 2015 to 2020

 15. AMRUT Plan

 25 June, 2015

 Developing all the basic amenities in more than 500 cities which have more than one lakh population

 16. Digital India Mission

 2 July, 2015

 Making all government services electronically available to the public

 17. Gold Monetization Scheme

 5 November,  2015

 Putting inoperative gold (lying at home and lockers) in productive works.

 18. Sovereign Gold Bond Scheme

 5 November, 2015

 To check the real demand of Gold; government introduced the Sovereign Gold Bond Scheme.

 19. UDAY

 20th November, 2015

 Financial turnaround of Power Distribution Companies of Public Sector

 20. Start-up India

 16 January, 2016

 To Promote new enterprises

 21. Setu Bhartam Yojna

 4 March , 2016

 Construction of Over and Under Bridge to make National Highways Railway Crossing free

 22. Stand Up India

 5 April, 2016

 Loans up to 10 lacs to 1 crore for establishment of new companies to Scheduled Castes / Tribes and Women Entrepreneurs

 23. Gramoday Se Bharat Uday

 14-24 April 2016

 Emphasizing the development of villages for proper development of the country

 24. Prime Minister Ujjwala Plan

 1 May, 2016

 Providing the LPG connection to BPL families at subsidized rates

 25. Namami Gange Yojana

 7 July, 2016

 Cleanliness of river Ganga



20. Congress questions PM Modi's silence on row over remarks on Prophet

Stepping up attack, the Congress on Wednesday accused the BJP of promoting its leaders who "spew venom" and questioned the prime minister for keeping "silent" even after India faced international condemnation over the remarks of the ruling party's now-sacked spokespersons. The opposition party also alleged that yesterday's fringe is today's mainstream in the BJP and "the fringe today will be its mainstream tomorrow".


21. Covid19 pandemic crises in India :

A failure of genocidal proportions has undoubtedly been the government mishandling of the second wave of Covid-19. Last year’s abrupt lockdown had confounded India’s desperate struggle against the virus, precipitating a humanitarian catastrophe, but this time the government appears to have abdicated its mandate altogether even as an overstretched healthcare infrastructure disintegrates. As many are succumbing to the swirling infection as to endless waits outside hospitals that have run out of beds, intensive care units, medical oxygen, ventilators, lifesaving drugs — and vaccines

The Prime Minister had pledged to build a “New India” while canvassing in 2019, but the country is today witness to scenes that hark back to the pestilence of the Middle Ages: multiple bodies heaped on a pyre, bodies burnt in the streets as cremation and burial grounds run short of space, and decomposing bodies floating in the Ganga, at times being picked at by stray dogs. Barrages of corpses are overwhelming mortuaries. Graves are being dug to depths that accommodate two to four bodies in tiers.

The government’s abrupt imposition of the world’s largest and harshest lockdown from 25 March last year irrevocably shattered the lives and livelihoods of the country’s 50 crore informal workers, 23 crore of whom, together with their families, have been pushed below the poverty line, and are today starving or have been entrapped into bonded labour.

The government, as well as the ceaselessly soaring Sensex, have been completely unmoved by the unravelling tragedies. Seeing prospects of an economic recovery receding by the day, Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) MD and CEO Mahesh Vyas says the second wave has seen 2.25 crore additional jobs being lost in April and May alone, the country’s unemployment rate now surging to 11.9 per cent. There has been a 20 per cent rise in urban poverty, and of 15 per cent in rural India.

This time, the Centre has abandoned the entire population, with Modi coming on television on 20 April to ask state governments to determine their respective response to the billowing virus. While its stimulus package for the first wave amounted to about 2 per cent of GDP, there has been no government intervention for the second wave. The maiden fiscal stimulus proved too little too late, when other countries like the US have bankrolled one worth 13.3 per cent of its GDP, Australia, one worth 10.8 per cent, and Singapore, 20 per cent.

Vaccination was to be a safeguard against the third Covid-19 wave, but was severely botched. Only 18.2 crore people have been vaccinated and 4.16 crore of them have received both doses in the four months since the vaccination drive began on 16 January, but the Centre claimed before a skeptical Supreme Court that the entire population above 18 years, numbering 940 million, will be vaccinated by the year end. The apex court questioned the differential pricing of the vaccines when they were originally proposed to be procured and distributed free by the Centre. In her February budget speech, finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman had announced a provision of Rs35,000 crore for vaccination for 2021-22, but a Right to Information (RTI) response reveals that just Rs4,488.75 crore has been released to buy vaccines from two domestic companies.

The Modi government chided the Congress party for what it claimed was “vaccine hesitancy” that was confounding the vaccination programme, but did not explain how that could have led to supplies running out. While it also blamed the decades of Congress rule for the plight of Indian healthcare, it did not reveal whether the Covid-19 imbroglio had led it to create any new hospitals, medical colleges, nursing and paramedic schools, and rural health centers or even facilitate manufacture of pharmaceutical intermediaries that the nation now depends on China for. Any such efforts would have aided India’s crumbling healthcare, where 80 per cent of doctors and 75 per cent of dispensaries serve urban India that is home to only a third of the population, while the rural poor feel forsaken. There are only six beds per 10,000 population and one doctor for every 1,457 people, these dismal ratios plummeting in the villages. India’s Economic Survey 2020-21 notes that the country ranks 179th among 189 others in prioritizing healthcare in its budget.

22. THE CHINESE OCCUPATION

Though the Chinese occupation of 1,000 sq km of our territory in eastern Ladakh since May last year has been consistently downplayed, with the Prime Minister denying such intrusion and refraining from identifying the aggressor, this grave threat has been lost sight of even further during the second wave. While the ninth round of high-level military talks of January led to a limited mutual disengagement from the Pangong lake area, the following 10th and 11th rounds in February and April proved infructuous, with Army chief, General M.M. Naravane, noting in March that the threat has only “abated”, but not gone away altogether.

An alarmed nation sought more information. How was the PLA action allowed in the first place? Was there a lapse of military intelligence? Or had the government failed to act on intelligence inputs – as had happened in Pulwama -- despite an Indian patrol having been challenged by PLA soldiers at Pangong Tso in September 2019, and China staking its claim on parts of the Galwan Valley ever since the boundary talks of 1960?

23. Unemployment issue in India:

The Opposition accused the government of saddling the Indians, especially the youth who form the largest population segment, with growing unemployment amid falling employment recruitment in various sectors, including the Army. 

Unemployment is a critical issue that continues to challenge the economic landscape of India. As one of the world's most populous nations with a diverse workforce, fluctuations in the unemployment rate have far-reaching implications for the country's growth and development. So, what is the current unemployment rate in India?
The latest data indicates a glimmer of hope, as India's unemployment rate has recently declined. According to the National Sample Survey Survey (NSSO), the unemployment rate for individuals aged 15 years and above in urban areas decreased to 6.8 percent during January-March 2023 from 8.2 percent a year ago. This positive development suggests a potential turnaround in the job market amidst the prevailing economic complexities. However, continued vigilance and effective policy measures remain crucial to foster sustainable job growth and secure the nation's future prosperity.

Unemployment issue adversely effects many economic issues including per capita and national income, Standard of living, Poverty, Important of Education, Literacy etc.,

That figure represents a near-three percentage point increase from September, when it was 7.09%.   Bloomberg added that rural unemployment jumped from 6.2% to 10.82% and that the urban employment rate “eased slightly” to 8.44%.  According to government figures, the unemployment rate for 2022-2023 stood at 3.2%.

But economists have come to rely on CMIE data for a better assessment of the labour market as its figures are based on monthly surveys as opposed to government data, which releases country-wide data less frequently, Bloomberg‘s report said.

India’s economy was projected to rise by an impressive 6% to 6.5% this year.  The population is also growing and India overtook China as the world’s most populous country in April.  But despite this growth, India’s workforce has remained stagnant for the last five years, CMIE chief executive Mahesh Vyas told.   Close to 10 million Indians entered the job market in October hoping to find work, Bloomberg cited CMIE data as saying.   A survey by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies found earlier this year that 36% of Indians aged 15 to 34 thought that unemployment was the biggest problem facing the country.  When compared to a similar survey conducted in 2016, the proportion of Indians who identified unemployment as the biggest problem increased by 18 percentage points, the Indian Express reported the survey as saying.  As many as 40% of educated respondents (graduate and above) identified unemployment as the biggest challenge, as opposed to only 27% of non-literate individuals doing so.  If jobs in Government Services are diminishing or abolished then, burden will go to the Private Sector, where under-employment or job opportunities are at low rate, which affects per capita income.   Unfortunately, communication technologies and media platforms are creating polarization through the circulation of disinformation and hate- filled text posts and tweets. Despite guidelines and codes, ECI (Election Commission of India) has not seemed to be taking cognizance of the many violations in the past elections. ECI failed to curb fake news online before and during these elections.  So, real pictures are tried to hidden. 

24 GDP :
The Opposition blamed the Modi government for the fall in GDP and compared it with the higher growth rates during the UPA years. 

25. Fall of rupee :
It pointed to the record fall of the rupee and to India slipping on the global hunger index and global food security index.

26 MGNREGA:
It also accused the government of slashing the outlay for many welfare schemes, including MGNREGA as well as some SC/ST welfare schemes.

Modi government failed because they never aspired to succeed. Their main objective was only to topple the UPA government nothing more. The sad part is that the BJP never had a vision for the people of India. 5 years wasted.

Bill is passed in both the houses, after lot of debate and fights.
Media tells their opinion about the bill, rather than telling what is in there in the bill.
Paid social media influencers mislead public.
Political Groups protest calling the bill, death of democracy.
Riots take place, public property is damaged.
Celebraties come up with placard, ‘Save Democracy’, ‘I'm India I'm Ashamed', etc.
Media continues to cover the riots and opinions of anti-Government elements, instead of explaining the bill.
Leftists and International Media call the Modi Government as failure and Fascist.


Bjp government gave us many things like:

  • Poor industrial growth
  • Poor educational facilities
  • Poor healthcare facilities
  • Unemployment growth
  • Increase in Caste based politics
  • Increased violence and attacks on minorities
  • Financial Scams or Scandals
  • Meaningless policies
  • Rise in price of petrol ,Diesel, Cooking oil and food products.
  • Mismanagement of covid patients / Supply of oxygen cylinder.
  • Resentment of the farmers or attack on protesting farmers.

points:
  1. What happened to swach Bharat abhiyan? I see no where strict laws been implemented to execute this. Just a publicity stunt, nothing else. 
  2. Why on Earth petrol prices have not gone down despite international crude oil rates at all time low in recent years.
  3. Demonetization : I know many of you have so many things to say but don't you think it was just another minor progressive looking move just to keep all you guys excited about the current gov. Nothing much yeilded.
  4. People voted for this gov so that people like Vijay mallaya should be behind the bar and not making mockery of India at International level. Why such inequality? 
  5. What is been done under this gov to improve the education system ? Anything ? Have you heard of something.
  6. There was one such yojana from our PM in which Rs.6000 will be given as cash or in their accounts to the pregnant ladies. How on Earth is this a progressive move?  People who are poor because they are not willing to do anything. I mean dont it makes sense that instead of this gov should have an initiative for poor people.
  7. BJP consists of shrewd politicians. Be it Amit shah, Modi himself. They are creating such a scenario that they want any voices against them to be voided. For this happen they use social media ( FB, Twitter ). Remember Modi always knew the power of social media. They just conquered it fooling people with a feeling that they are the party with full of nationalism. Has any body noticed since the BJP came to power people have suddenly started thinking ,about sharing support on social media to Indian Army via top viwed pages.  This BJP it cell, it works so shrewdly. Remember Tej bahadur Yadav ? The armymen that exposed the quality of food ? Has he been given justice ? Did the quality of the food improved? I doubt but to show or rather to market himself as a nationlist our PM visits Siachin soldiers on Diwali.
  8. Appointment of Ram Nath Kovind purely on caste is sheer hypocrisy on behalf of a party who voiced not to support casteism in India.
  9. LPG raised prices, Opposing GST and now implementing it are some more examples.
  10. Black Money:  how much black money came back from Swiss banks or was it another marketing stint to keep you people excited?
  11. I was a supporter of BJP and AAP , but fell in the trap of social media and started criticizing AK for his baffling of Modi which I now understand that it was all true. Though he too was wrong on his part but such is politics.
  12. But now , I don't care about what nonsense AK has to say about Modi. His work speak volumes. Emphasis on education and health sector is one progressive move. Where are such steps from Modi ? What you ll find is complete marketing and work done or rather implementation is zero.
  13. I know there will be voices saying nothing happens overnight things will change timely. But did people really voted and voted espically to listen to what we have been listening over past few decades?
  14. What I see is only words no actions. No education for poor no health reforms no cleanliness but Back to the ideology of old days .
  1. Modi government has just looted the common man belonging to poor, lower middle class and also middle class of country by decreasing subsidies and increasing indirect tax in the name GST which varies upto maximum of 28% plus cess. This government not only has kept petroleum products out of purview of GST but increasing excise duty on it as and when price of crude oil decreased in international market and denying consumers the benefits of lower crude oil prices. This government is so insensitive towards poor people of the country who are worst sufferers due to increase in indirect taxes to such a level.
  2. We have seen Narendra Modi while campaigning in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh state election taking credit of saving 57 thousand crore by linking Aadhar with different subsidy linked schemes meant for BPLs but taking no responsibility of hunger deaths in different states due to denial of ration to these uneducated tribal people due to this Aadhar linkage.
  3. This country has never witnessed a Prime Minister like Modi who is 20% PM and 80% Election campaigner of BJP and misleading people by saying he works 15 hours a day as Pradhan Sewak of nation. He also misleads people by always speaking lies. There are many such proof of it but here I would like to share a latest one while campaigning for Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh state Elections. Taking the credit of Demonetisation (a false one) Modi is blaming Mrs. Indira Gandhi for not allowing Mr Y B Chauhan to demonetise hundred rupees currency notes which according to this”Jhootha Prime Minister” was the highest denomination at that time to decimate corruption that's why he had to take such a strong step of Demonetisation. Narendra Modi is rightly told by people “An uneducated PM” since either he doesn't know or making people fool while addressing voters with his poorly conceived narrative. The TRUTH is that when Mrs Indira Gandhi was in power, currency with denomination of 1000/-, 5000/- & 10000/- were in force and Mr Morarji Desai had chosen to cancel them in 1978 though it was only 20% of cash circulating at that point of time.
  4. Now, we can see that people of India always believe their Prime Minister but due to lack of knowledge this”JHOOTHA” PM is propagating these false accusation on the Late Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi to project himself as saviour.

27. Privatization of banks and other public sector instt.

The stage is being set to privatize all public sector banks (PSBs), except the SBI for now, with multiple news reports hitting the headline simultaneously in the recent past. But all these are coming from two channels – unnamed government "sources" .

The unnamed government sources have been quoted as saying that a bill may be introduced in the monsoon session to allow the central government "a complete exit" from banks to be privatized by amending the Banking Companies (Acquisition and Transfer of Undertakings) Act of 1970, which requires it to hold at least 51% stakes. The bill is, however, missing from the list made public so far.

Privatization entails the abolition of all government controls and involvement in the establishment of supply and demand mechanisms and transfer of public ownership to private capitalists.  Innumerable private banks have failed, thus challenging the notion that only private banks are efficient, is beyond logic.  If private enterprises are the epitome of efficiency, the question is why do private corporate entities have such large volumes of NPAs.  Whether Privatization of banks can resolve their financial issue or public money and  reduce volumes of NPAs.  Whether Privatization of banks is lonely solution to command over economic crises. 
Prior to nationalization of banks, most banks were privately owned and they largely benefited the rich capitalist and the powerful people.  Privatization of banks means policy of nationalization of banks in 1969, was wrong.   Whether private sector will promote existing economic policies, creating jobs opportunities, extending credit to the agriculture sector, Financial help to the needy people through Housing Loan, Business loan to the economically poor unemployed people, or economic subsidy to the poor people.
Whether private sector can support Government policy of poverty alleviation plans, rural development, health, education, exports, infrastructure, women’s empowerment, small scale and medium industry, and small and micro industries.

The expansion in banking network in India has been the achievements of bank nationalization. By 2021, the number of bank branches reached 1,75,127 from a mere 9,225 before the bank nationalization Banking services also reduced the dependence on moneylenders in rural regions.  In rural areas, the bank branches increased from 1,923 in 1969 to 88,732 by 2021, raising the share of rural branches from 21.7 %  to 33.72 %.  Nationalized banking improved the working conditions of employees in the banking sector from time to time and employment ration is at 22%.

Current issues faced by the public sector banks in India are :

1)  Political interference and influences in granting unwarranted loan.

2) High Non-performing assets ratio : The Assets acquired by the Bank as Non-Performing is increasing, day by day, due to poor acquisition policy. 

3) Managerial efficiency: The nomination and recruitment of Directors are many a time through political interferences.  As a result, efficiency of functioning of the bank is adversely affected, as non-qualified directors are nominated by the Government.

4) Poor performance of Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code and National Company Law Tribunals (NCLT).

5) High Capital to Risk-weighted Assets Ratio (CRAR): Impractical for Banks

6) high amount of loan to the Industrialist, Businessmen and write-offs:  Due to provisions in the Negotiable Instrument Act, there is limitation in claiming the recovery.  As per Section 138 in The Negotiable Instruments Act, 1881,  limitation period to recover a loan amount is three years.  To comply with the provisions, all company or organizations has to pursue the recovery within 3 years of default.  If recoveries could not be done, it has to be shown as bad debts in the books of account by writing off the amount.

7) Willful Defaulters:  Willful defaulters define as people who had the capacity to repay their loans but chose not to.  While granting the loan by the Bank, repaying capacity has to be ensured.   

Wilful default can be covered into the following:

1. Fraudulent transactions by the borrower.
2. Deliberate non-payment of the dues despite adequate cash flow and good networth;
3. Siphoning off of funds to the detriment of the defaulting unit;
4. Misrepresentation / falsification of records;
5. Assets financed either not been purchased or been sold and proceeds have misutilised;
6. Misrepresentation / falsification of records;
7. Disposal / removal of securities without bank's knowledge;
8. Misrepresentation / falsification of records;
9. Corruptions.
10. Political influences.

The identification of the wilful default should be made keeping in view the track record of the borrowers and should not be decided on the basis of isolated transactions/incidents.  The default to be categorized as wilful must be intentional, deliberate and calculated.  Willful defaulters list of reserve bank of india :









8) Corruption :
Corruption has now become a way of life all over in India. Governments owned businesses are the leaders in this.  

TYPES OF  FRAUDS IN INDIAN BANKS ARE :
1) Accounting Fraud:

some businesses or industrialist or owners use a false financial report to represent sales and revenue, which exhibits valuable corporate assets to indicate a position of profit while the firm is really losing money.  Statutory Auditors are also participate and helps such criminals to hide the facts and cheat banking system.  These financial reports are then utilized by these firms to submit deceptive business loan requests in order to get funds to help them stabilize their businesses.

2) Forged Documents :

Falsified or forged documents are prepared to comply with the papers to be submitted for banks loan or  Falsified Paperwork (Land/House Documents, LOU) is used to obtain funds unlawfully as means for personal loans, and the financial institution would be unable to reclaim funds in the years ahead because the loan was granted based on falsified paperwork.  Cases of frauds have been also be found in the housing, consumer and retail finance portfolios perpetrated by unscrupulous borrowers by submitting fake/forged/stolen documents. The most common modus operandi adopted was availing of credit facilities by submitting forged/fake documents in respect of properties offered to banks as securities.  

many cases, the same property was offered as security to different banks by submitting fake title deeds.  In some cases, the properties, which were mortgaged to the banks, were found to be non-existent.  Loans were granted to persons without verifying their antecedents/details. As a result, subsequently they were found to be non-existent.  The documents submitted for availing the loans such as the deeds, income tax returns, salary certificates etc. were found to be fake/fictitious.  The chartered accountants who had purportedly issued/verified the documents were found to be non-existent themselves.  In a number of fraud cases, the builders/developers had defrauded the banks by pocketing the housing loans which they managed to obtain in the names of fictitious persons by submitting forged documents.  In certain cases, builders/developers in connivance with the employees of Public Sector Undertakings had arranged housing loans from banks by submitting fake/forged/manipulated salary certificates. Such loans were subsequently misappropriated.

If loans to the farming businesses are not given, then the agriculture production will be substantially affected. It is wrong to presume that farmers don't pay the loans unless they are compelled by poverty. In most cases they create charge over their land and they risk the loss of their farm land in case of default to bank. Only in case of unsecured loans banks incur the risk of default unless waived by the government.  Even if it is waived by the Government, it is recouped directly or indirectly.

3) In connection with Bank Employees:

Extreme trust in workers is one of the factors that contributes to the prevalence of fraud in banks. If a valuable bit of information is leaked and the employee benefits financially as a result of the spill, the employee could breach the trust. Any monetary credits or damages on private ends, external strain, and low contentment from the existing job owing to strong pressure can all contribute to the scenario of people committing fraud at the workplace.  Some bank employees or senior managers were to have conspired intentionally, to the fraud taken place.

4) Due to Internal Management Control :
All bank has its own procedures and regulations, which should be developed in accordance with the regulations, but when these mechanisms have flaws, scammers can take advantage of the circumstance. The complicated and creative nature of banking institutions is one of the primary causes for the emergence of scams.  There should be rigid and vigilant control through banking system and monitoring about managerial control, to avoid frauds. 

Management  control culture in Banking Sector:

Strategy 1:

The board of directors have overall responsibility for approving and periodically  reviewing the overall business strategies and significant policies of the bank;  understanding the major risks run by the bank, setting acceptable levels for these  risks and ensuring that senior management takes the steps necessary to identify,  measure and solution for such risky cases, monitor and control these risks; approving the organizational structure;  and ensuring that senior management is monitoring the effectiveness of the  internal control system. The board of directors is ultimately responsible for  ensuring that an adequate and effective system of internal controls is established  and maintained.  Boards of very few banks are known to enforce clear lines of responsibility and accountability for themselves. In quite a few cases there is not enough clarity about their roles. Much of it is because of the manner in which the boards are constituted. The lines for the responsibility and accountability for senior management and further down in the banks are, however, quite clearly defined leaving little room for unspecified or confusing and multiple accountability and lines of responsibility.

Strategy 2:

Senior management  have responsibility for implementing strategies and policies approved by the board; developing processes that identify, measure,  monitor and control risks incurred by the bank; maintaining an organizational  Internal control systems structure that clearly assigns responsibility, authority and reporting relationships;  ensuring that delegated responsibilities are effectively carried out; setting  appropriate internal control policies; and monitoring the adequacy the internal control system.  The mechanism for interaction and cooperation among the board of directors, senior management and the auditors of the bank is fairly established.

Strategy 3:

The board of directors and senior management are responsible for promoting high ethical and integrity standards, and for establishing a culture within the organization that emphasizes and demonstrates to all levels of personnel the importance of internal controls. All personnel at a banking organization need to understand their role in the internal controls process and be fully engaged in the  process and monitor for effective implementation and introduce reports on the policies.  It is practicable for big banks to undertake risk management as an independent function. However, small banks lack the expertise in this area. They will, therefore, have to be provided encouragement as well as technical support and given special attention so that they can imbibe risk management practices in as short a time as possible. A time-frame of two to three years is considered adequate for the purpose.

Strategy 4:

Banks have well articulated corporate strategy decided by the Board of Directors. In pursuance thereof, performance budgeting system is followed, which measures, monitors and evaluates corporate success and the contribution of business units. Except for performance measurement, monitoring and evaluation for business units, there is no system of accountability for results for individuals with the exception of the  the Zonal / Regional / Branch Heads, etc.

Strategy 5:

Control activities should be an integral part of the daily activities of a bank. An effective internal control system requires that an appropriate control structure is set up, with control activities defined at every business level. These should include: top level reviews; appropriate activity controls for different departments or divisions; physical controls; checking for compliance with exposure limits and follow-up on non-compliance; a system of approvals and authorizations; and, a system of verification and reconciliation.

Strategy 6:
An effective internal control system requires that there is appropriate segregation of duties and that personnel are not assigned conflicting responsibilities. Areas of potential conflicts of interest should be identified, minimized, and subject to careful, independent monitoring.

Strategy 7:
The Board, which is a main functionary is primary responsible to ensure the value creation for its stakeholders. In the absence of clarity on designated role and powers of the Board, it weakens the accountability mechanism that subsequently, threatens the achievement of organizational goals. Therefore, the key requirement of good governance is the clarity on part of identification of powers, responsibilities, roles and
accountability of top position holders, including the Board, the Chairman of the Board and the CEO. In such cases, role of the Board should be clearly documented in a Board Charter, which can be followed throughout. To elaborate the above discussion, following are the essential elements of good corporate governance:

a) A well-structured Audit Committee setup is required to work as liaison with the management, internal and statutory auditors.
Importance of such is to review the adequacy of internal control and compliance with significant policies and procedures, reporting to
the Board on the key issues.
b) Accountability towards the stakeholders with an objective to serve the stakeholders through strong and sustained
communication processes at a regular interval.
c) Clear documentation of company’s objectives as a part of long-term corporate strategy including an annual business plan
together with achievable and measurable performance targets.

16. February 2019 – Pulwama suicide attack resulting in death of 40 CRPF personnel :

The suicide bomber drove a vehicle packed with explosives into a convoy of 78 buses carrying Indian paramilitary police in Pulwama. A year later, the families of the soldiers are still looking for answers.  

Mid widespread national fury, several questions were raised after the attacks:

why were civilian vehicles allowed on the highway at the same time the convoy was using it? 

How did intelligence agencies fail to send out any early warnings? 

Why were the soldiers not moved via aircraft or Air flights? 

Why was such a large convoy part of what should have been a routine movement?

The country's National Investigative Agency (NIA) is yet to file charges in this case. It says most of the suspects in the attack have been killed in gunfights with security forces. 

Former CRPF inspector general VPS Panwar said the Pulwama attack was a "big mistake".

But such an admission of mistake is yet to come from ministers or security officials and this has made the families of the victims angry.

Ajit Kumar's family in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh say the lack of answers "hurts them".

The large quantity of explosives used in this attack raises serious questions on the effectiveness of the counterinsurgency (and counter-terrorism) grid. How did such a large cache of explosives reach the Pulwama district of South Kashmir? Were the explosives smuggled from across the border? Were the explosives procured internally? Irrespective of whether the explosives were smuggled into or procured internally, serious questions need to be asked about the effectiveness of the security forces in controlling further proliferation of the explosive materials.

 There has been a vehement denial in Kashmir and in some circles in Delhi regarding the trend of radicalization of Kashmiri youth.

There was a clear intelligence input regarding a possible IED attack. An intelligence note, which is now in public circulation, suggests that all branches of the CRPF, the BSF, the Indian Army, the CISF, the ITBP and the Jammu and Kashmir Police were warned of a large-scale attack. The Governor of Jammu and Kashmir has admitted the “security lapses” leading to the deadly attack. While the Governor’s admission is welcome, can individuals involved in the key decision-making at the highest level of the state and central government continue to hold the charge? The current security is not just precarious but utterly insensitive too.

https://thewire.in/politics/modi-pulwama-documentary-congress




Frontline’s investigation has revealed that there were at least 11 intelligence inputs between January 2, 2019, and February 13, 2019, pointing to a macabre “Qisas (retribution) mission” in the making, one that culminated eventually in the attack on a security convoy in Lethpora, Pulwama. But the government was deaf to all these.

Frontline ’s disclosure now validates the long and persistent theory among a cross section of people that vital intelligence inputs may have been ignored before the attack. This comes at a time when a WhatsApp leak found that the pro-government news anchor Arnab Goswami had rejoiced soon after the news of the attack, gloating “we won [will win the general election] like crazy”.

This is not the first time any government has launched such programs or plans, since the Nehruvian era central government has been trying to make this country more prosperous, but what they fail in successful implementation and reaching to beneficiaries. The government machinery is not fully capable in both the aspects. A country where farmers still commit suicide, Poverty, lack of quality education, unutilized demographic dividend and various menace of Indian society – tells a disappointing story that despite the presence of development schemes. The reasons can be attributed to mainly two factors; firstly, inefficiency of government in implementation of such schemes, lack of efficient planning and secondly, lack of awareness among people. 

Indian government’s intention to provide assistance to poor and their upliftment is clear and valid, but at the implementation part government fails. The reason of inefficiency can be attributed to improper monitoring, lack of accountability, lack of fund, corruption and misalignment of incentives.

Making a policy and implementing it as a scheme has the same difference - what a cricket team plans in a dressing room and what it executes on the ground. The government seems well prepared in the dressing room but when it comes to the ground level it falls far from the expectation. For instance, agriculture which provides employment to our 55% population and has been a constant focus of every government formed in the centre.  Farmer's protest is current example.

Indian government spends nearly Rs. 2 Lakh Cr on 100 flagship programs focused on range of public services and among them 10 big flagship programs like MNREGS and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and other similar schemes – which accounts for 90% of the resources. So there are 90 other small programs which soak up administrative capacity which significantly affects in the implementation of bigger schemes. The policies are made in ministries but implemented at state, district and village level and the administrator may not know about every scheme implemented in his/her district.

In the field of elementary education, the NDA came to power at an important juncture. After decades of investment in meeting the goal of universal education through expansion of education inputs, an approach that was accelerated and entrenched after the UPA misguidedly legislated for the Right to Education, the policy landscape had firmly shifted towards focusing on improving education quality. In fact, the importance of quality in education finds repeated mention in the finance minister’s budget speeches. However, having recognized the problem, this government has displayed little by way of imagination or ideas on how to solve the problem. Of course, committees have been set up but to little effect. 

The failure to develop a framework and vision for education is also indicative of this governments’ misdiagnosis of the problem of jobs and skills, which were at the heart of its political agenda. In this government’s policy articulation, Skill India and Make in India are policy goals that can be met through enhanced vocational training outside the school system. But the truth is that a significant number of India’s youth finish nearly eight years of schooling without acquiring even basic foundational skills. Available global evidence on the ability of short-term skill planning to bridge these foundational learning gaps is mixed, suggesting that any policy that wants to improve skilling and jobs must necessarily take a longer-term perspective and build a strong education foundation. This government has failed to recognize these critical links and instead limited its agenda of skilling to short-term trainings without a framework for improving education. The only visible and commendable shift made in elementary education policy through the NDA years has been an effort to measure learning outcomes in a more systematic way. The Niti Aayog has initiated a process of measuring learning outcomes through a school education quality index. The Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) too has made efforts at monitoring learning outcomes more systematically. In 2017, the MHRD launched (and completed in record time) the National Assessment Survey. The ministry had committed to making the survey a biannual affair. Measuring a problem is the first step to resolving it. To this extent, the proliferation of measurement and indexes is a useful exercise. However, the challenge for education policy now lies in using this measurement to develop policy and improve action on the ground. In these last four years, the MHRD certainly has struggled to do just this. 

Finally, there has been little thought given to the role and design of the SSA to incentivize and facilitate a focus on improving learning. Experts have been arguing for the need to restructure SSA, introduce innovation funds and create a performance-financing window for untied Central government financing for elementary education (Banerji 2018; Aiyar 2018). But this perspective has not percolated into policy action and elementary education policy under the NDA is not different from the UPA, despite the stated focus on quality.

The government’s policy on health took an interesting turn in 2018 with the announcement of the National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS) or Ayushman Bharat in the budget. At the time of writing this essay (July 2018), the nuts and bolts of the scheme were still being fleshed out. A detailed commentary is therefore premature but it is worth asking whether the preconditions for a successful health insurance policy are in place. In many ways, the NHPS envisages a major significant architectural shift in health policy, pushing the government towards the role of a financer and a regulator rather than a service provider. But is India ready for this shift in place? At one level, the answer to this question will only be found in the actual design of the NHPS but experience with the precursor to NHPS, the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) and state insurance schemes tell a cautionary tale. A combination of factors needed to get regulation right, including supply side constraints (private hospital networks are not as wide as policymakers imagine and there are significant market failures that will likely constrain increasing supply), low awareness and enrolment, and perhaps, most importantly, the capacity to deal with complex regulatory requirements like fraud management and pricing, are simply not in place (Das 2017; Shah 2018; Rao 2018). Under these circumstances, the NHPS runs the risk of becoming the world’s largest, unregulated Public Private Partnership (Aiyar 2018).

28. Rahul Gandhi and report on Pegasus spyware as treason

Pegasus, developed by the Israel-based cybersecurity company NSO Group, first made headlines in October 2019, when Facebook-owned platform WhatsApp said that journalists and human rights activists in India had been targets of surveillance by operators using the spyware
In his recent lecture at Cambridge University, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi alleged that the Israeli-made spyware Pegasus had been used to snoop on him. He also claimed that intelligence officers asked him to be “careful” while talking on the phone as his calls were being tapped.  According to the news agency ANI, Gandhi said, “I myself had Pegasus on my phone. Large number of politicians have Pegasus on their phones.  Gandhi made the comments during his lecture on "Learning to Listen in the 21st Century", which was shared on Twitter by Congress leader Sam Pitroda, ex-adviser to former prime minister Manmohan Singh. Raking up the Pegasus snooping issue, Gandhi all...

29.  Electoral bonds, a Scam in india

In India, the electoral bonds scheme has drawn significant criticism, with many labeling it a "scam" due to its lack of transparency and potential misuse. The scheme, introduced in 2018, was designed to allow individuals and corporations to anonymously donate to political parties through bonds purchased from the State Bank of India (SBI). The funds largely flowed to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which reportedly received over 50% of the total funds generated, raising concerns about favoritism and the dominance of money in politics.

 

Critics argue that electoral bonds allow for unchecked, anonymous donations that can be used to buy political influence, potentially impacting public policy. Allegations from prominent figures, such as lawyer Prashant Bhushan, suggest that certain corporations used these donations as bribes to secure government contracts or avoid regulatory action. Bhushan called for an independent investigation, citing examples where companies donating significant amounts saw investigations against them either stopped or delayed. This has led to calls for an investigation by a Special Investigation Team (SIT) under judicial oversight to assess the extent of the alleged quid pro quo arrangements between corporations and political leaders.

 

The recent Supreme Court ruling that deemed the scheme unconstitutional emphasized concerns over secrecy and potential misuse of public funds, reinforcing the demand for transparency in political donations and accountability among political parties. This ruling has led to heightened scrutiny of political funding in India, with many advocates urging for systemic reforms to ensure fair practices in electoral financing.

 

The situation highlights deep-seated issues in political financing, where lack of transparency can compromise democratic processes and foster public mistrust in political institutions.

 

On March 21, 2024, the State Bank of India (SBI) submitted a detailed affidavit to the Supreme Court, providing comprehensive data about electoral bonds sold under the controversial scheme. This data included specific information such as the unique alphanumeric bond numbers, the bond denominations, and details identifying which political parties redeemed the bonds. This disclosure was part of the Supreme Court’s directive, which followed its February 2024 ruling that deemed the electoral bonds scheme unconstitutional due to concerns about transparency and accountability.

 

While the SBI provided bond numbers and redemption information, they withheld full KYC details and complete bank account numbers of the purchasers and political parties, citing concerns over account security and privacy. The Election Commission of India (ECI) is expected to make the information available on its website for public transparency as directed by the Supreme Court.

 

The court's directive emphasized full disclosure to match donors with recipient parties, aiming to curb potential misuse of political funding. This disclosure has been pivotal, given past criticisms that the scheme disproportionately favored the ruling party and allowed for opaque, anonymous donations that raised ethical and legal concerns over influence on governance and public policy.

The Supreme Court of India recently ordered the Election Commission (EC) to make available digitized data on electoral bonds, initially submitted in sealed covers. This data, covering donations made through electoral bonds, has been publicly released as per the Supreme Court's mandate from March 15, 2024. The details are organized in two parts on the EC’s website and include the issuance and encashment of bonds by various political parties. The records specify the date, denomination, number of bonds, and branch of State Bank of India (SBI) where bonds were issued, but notably, they do not disclose donor identities.

 Key highlights from the data show that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) received the largest share of funds, with approximately ₹6,986 crore, while other parties such as the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Indian National Congress (INC), and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) also benefited substantially from the scheme. In contrast, some parties, including the Communist Party of India (CPI) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), reported no funds through electoral bonds. The release of this information follows ongoing scrutiny and debates over transparency and the influence of anonymous donations on Indian politics. For further details, you can refer to  and  which provide a breakdown of the funding received by various political entities as published by the Election Commission.

=====

 https://adrindia.org/sites/default/files/Party_wise_EBs_data_15-02-2024.pdf


The distribution of funds from electoral bonds in India reveals significant disparities among political parties, according to recent disclosures. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) received the largest share, totaling approximately ₹6,061 crore—nearly half of all funds raised via this mechanism. This was followed by the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) with ₹1,610 crore and the Indian National Congress with ₹1,422 crore. Other prominent recipients included the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) with ₹1,215 crore and the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) at ₹776 crore. Additional parties that benefitted, though to a lesser extent, include regional parties such as the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Shiv Sena, Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSR Congress), Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Janata Dal (Secular), and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) among others. These donations were facilitated by large corporations and industrial groups, adding to the ongoing debate around transparency and influence in political financing through electoral bonds.

The Supreme Court of India, in a landmark ruling on February 15, 2024, declared the Electoral Bonds Scheme unconstitutional and ordered an immediate halt to its implementation. This decision was based on concerns about transparency, the right to information, and political equality. The Court determined that the scheme infringed upon the freedom of speech and the right to information under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution. Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud and a five-judge bench held that the anonymous nature of the scheme compromised the public's right to know about political donations, particularly because voters need access to funding information to make informed choices.

The Court invalidated amendments made under the Finance Act, 2017, to the Representation of People Act, Companies Act, and Income Tax Act that enabled anonymous donations, removed caps on corporate donations, and exempted electoral bonds from disclosure requirements. Furthermore, the Court directed the State Bank of India (SBI) to submit comprehensive details on bonds issued and political party collections since 2019 to the Election Commission of India (ECI), which must publish this information by March 13, 2024.

The Electoral Bonds Scheme in India has faced substantial criticism from opposition parties, primarily over issues related to transparency, potential favoritism, and unchecked influence of corporate money in politics. Here are the main concerns raised:

 

1. **Lack of Transparency and Anonymity**:

   Opposition parties, such as the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), argue that the scheme fosters a lack of transparency, as it allows corporations and individuals to anonymously donate large sums to political parties. This anonymity prevents the public from knowing who funds which party, creating opportunities for untraceable money flows, potentially even foreign funds, into Indian elections.

 

2. **Favors the Ruling Party**:

   Critics, including members of the Congress Party and regional political leaders, allege that the scheme disproportionately benefits the ruling party, in this case, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has reportedly received the majority of funds from electoral bonds. They argue that the scheme enables the government in power to attract a large share of these anonymous funds, giving it an unfair advantage in elections and raising concerns about an uneven playing field. 

3. **Increased Corporate Influence and Reduced Accountability**:

   The scheme permits corporations, even loss-making or newly created ones, to contribute unlimited funds to political parties without a traceable record, following the removal of the cap on corporate donations. This change, opposition leaders argue, opens the door for corporate entities to buy influence, potentially influencing public policy in favor of donors, rather than serving the public interest. Leaders like Rahul Gandhi have voiced concerns that such a system compromises democratic governance by allowing wealthy corporations to influence policy through financial leverage.  

4. **Potential for Money Laundering and Black Money**:

opposition leaders have also raised concerns that the scheme may enable money laundering. Since the identities of donors remain hidden, critics argue that it’s possible for black money or illicit funds to be funneled into political campaigns. This undermines India’s efforts to tackle black money and runs counter to the transparency typically expected in political financing. 

5. **Erosion of the Right to Information**:

Several opposition voices, including public interest groups, argue that the Electoral Bonds Scheme violates citizens’ right to information by denying voters the knowledge of who is financially supporting political parties. This, they contend, hampers voters' ability to make informed choices, as they are unaware of potential influences on party policies and candidates.  These critiques have led to widespread calls for reform, including restoring the transparency measures that required political parties to disclose donors for contributions over ₹20,000, which the Electoral Bonds Scheme exempted.

The Supreme Court of India declared the Electoral Bonds Scheme unconstitutional in February 2024, stating that it violated key principles of transparency and equality, which are central to the democratic process. Here are the primary reasons the Court found the scheme unconstitutional: 

1. **Violation of the Right to Information**:

 The Court argued that the scheme undermines the Right to Information (RTI) by allowing anonymous donations, which prevent citizens from knowing who funds political parties. This lack of transparency hampers voters' ability to make informed choices, which is essential in a democratic setup. The Court emphasized that political transparency is critical because it enables citizens to understand potential influences on political decisions, thereby fostering a fairer electoral process. 

2. **Infringement on Freedom of Expression**:

The Court cited Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the right to freedom of speech and expression, including the right of citizens to freely access information about public matters. The anonymity of donations under the Electoral Bonds Scheme was seen as a restriction on this right, as it concealed important information that could affect public debate and discourse on electoral and policy decisions.

 3. **Undermining Political Equality**:

   The Court ruled that the scheme violated the principle of political equality, as it favored parties with greater access to anonymous corporate donations. By removing caps on corporate donations and allowing unlimited funding without disclosure, the scheme created an imbalance, giving ruling parties an unfair advantage over opposition parties. This erosion of a level playing field goes against the democratic ethos of India.

 4. **Potential for Black Money and Money Laundering**:

The Supreme Court also raised concerns that the lack of donor transparency could allow black money and foreign funds to infiltrate Indian politics. Without a mechanism to track the origins of funds, there is a risk of money laundering, which further erodes public trust and risks the integrity of the electoral process.

 5. **Unconstitutionality of Amendments to Existing Laws**:

The scheme included amendments to the Representation of People Act, the Companies Act, and the Income Tax Act, which exempted political parties from disclosing donations made via electoral bonds. The Court declared these amendments unconstitutional, as they conflicted with established laws designed to ensure accountability in political funding. Specifically, the amendments removed critical transparency safeguards, such as the requirement for companies to disclose political donations.  By striking down the Electoral Bonds Scheme, the Supreme Court has underscored the need for reforms that balance privacy with accountability to protect democratic principles and the right to information in political financing.







We know that the BJP benefited the most from electoral bonds. Besides the BJP, only a handful of non-BJP parties received large share of bond money. The communist parties announced they would not take money through bonds. Amongst the rest, most of the EB money went to Congress, Trinamool Congress, BJD, DMK, BRS/TRS, TDP and  YSR Congress. Besides, Shiv Sena has also received large amount of funds through bonds.

If we look at bond collections as a percentage of the total funds collected as declared by various parties (Figure 2), we see that Trinamool Congress tops the list (93%). It is followed by DMK (90%), BJD (90%), BRS (80%), YSR Congress (72%) and the TDP (67%). The ratios for BJP and Congress are 52% and 61%, respectively.
Understanding the scope and coverage of the data is critical for understanding the structure of our analysis. In the matched bond data that we have downloaded from the Dataful website , each row in the data matrix represents a transaction. For each transaction the following information is recorded: the name of the donor, type of the donor (individual/organisation), the name of the encashing party, date of purchase of the bond (we call it the issue date), the name of the state where the bond was issued (we call it the issue state), date of encashment of the bond (we call it the pay date), the state in which the bond is paid (we call it the pay state), amount of the transaction, denomination of the bonds (Rs 1 crore, Rs 10 lakh etc). The SBI data reveals the names of the purchaser of the bonds and the name of the recipient political party. Besides the names of the parties, we have two types of state names (issue/pay) and two types of dates (issue/pay). Our analysis is based on issue-states and issue-dates. The use of issue-states requires certain caveats. In many cases, donors bought bonds from cities such as Delhi and Mumbai and donated them to regional parties. For example, Future Gaming purchased bonds from Chennai, Mumbai and Delhi and gave them to different parties such as the BJP, the DMK and the AITC. The bonds for the BJP were paid out at the Delhi branch of SBI, the DMK encashed them in Chennai and the AITC encashed them in Kolkata.  One can see that the regional parties are encashing the bonds in their home states while national parties are encashing them in Delhi. We know the home state of regional parties and they are usually electorally successful in their home state. There is no way to know in which state the national parties are spending their money. Therefore, pay-state information does not reveal any extra information.   But issue-state information reveals the local character of the donors. Again, donors are also likely to purchase the bonds from their home state. If it is a national player, it is more likely to purchase the bond from Delhi or Mumbai. If local, they are more likely to buy from their main state of operation. The cross-border movement of funds is a major part of our analysis. When we identify a transaction as a cross-border one, we essentially mean that the issue state is different from the home state of the recipient political party. This can only be done for regional parties.

Only the State Bank of India (SBI) is authorized to issue and encash electoral bonds under the scheme. This exclusivity was established by the Government of India, which designated SBI as the sole bank responsible for handling these bonds, primarily to centralize and monitor the financial flows associated with political donations.


### Key Details of SBI's Role:

1. **Issuance and Encashment**: SBI issues electoral bonds in specified branches across major cities in India. Individuals and corporate entities can purchase these bonds, which can then be encashed by eligible political parties through their designated SBI accounts.


2. **Denominations and Validity**: Electoral bonds are available in multiple denominations (e.g., ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹1 lakh, ₹10 lakh, and ₹1 crore), and each bond is valid for 15 days from the date of issuance. This structure allows flexibility in donation sizes while setting a short validity period to encourage timely transactions.


3. **Anonymity**: Purchasers are required to complete Know Your Customer (KYC) procedures, but their identities remain anonymous to the public and are not disclosed to the political parties. This was intended to protect donor privacy, though it has sparked controversy over the lack of transparency.


4. **Specified Windows for Purchase**: SBI issues bonds during designated windows throughout the year, typically in January, April, July, and October, with additional windows during general elections.  SBI's exclusive role has been integral to the scheme's functioning, though it has also placed the bank at the center of debates on transparency and the oversight of political funding in India.

==

As per recent data provided to the Supreme Court of India, the State Bank of India (SBI) has been exclusively responsible for issuing electoral bonds in India, as mandated by the government. SBI released information showing that between April 2019 and February 15, 2024, over 20,421 bonds worth around ₹12,769 crore were bought, with the vast majority encashed by major national parties. Notably, a significant portion of the electoral bond funds—more than 47%—went to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), while other parties, including the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and Indian National Congress (INC), received a substantial but smaller portion of these funds. 


The Election Commission of India (ECI) published detailed records of electoral bonds issued in response to Supreme Court orders, which directed public transparency regarding the scheme. The records include phase-by-phase purchases and encashment data, documenting the inflow of funds anonymously through these bonds, as highlighted by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) in its analyses. This transparency, prompted by recent court directives, is part of ongoing scrutiny and legal debate about the scheme’s implications for democratic integrity and transparency in political funding in India.  For a deeper look into the phase-wise data, and party-specific funding allocations, you can explore the information provided by the ECI on its official site or refer to reports on the scheme’s broader implications on platforms like Business Today and ADR India.

==

The Electoral Bonds Scheme in India has been criticized for creating conditions that could indirectly enable extortion or exert pressure on corporate donors. While there’s no direct evidence of extortion, critics and opposition parties argue that the scheme’s design creates opportunities for undue influence and potential coercion, particularly because it lacks transparency and centralizes information about donors.


Here are the main concerns linking the scheme to potential risks of extortion:


1. **Centralized Information and Donor Privacy**:

   Under the scheme, the State Bank of India (SBI) is the sole issuer of electoral bonds, and only the government and SBI know the identities of donors. Since political parties can receive these funds without disclosing donor identities, this setup theoretically allows the government to trace and track donors. Critics argue that this lack of transparency could allow ruling authorities to pressure or indirectly coerce corporations or wealthy individuals into donating to specific political parties, effectively enabling a form of "soft extortion" under threat of potential consequences.


2. **Concerns of Favoritism and Influence**:

   Opposition parties and transparency advocates, including the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), argue that the scheme disproportionately benefits the ruling party, which has received the majority of funds through electoral bonds. This funding disparity, combined with anonymous contributions, is seen as a mechanism for donors to curry favor with those in power, as they may fear negative consequences (such as regulatory scrutiny or losing government contracts) if they do not comply. Such a setup could lead to a system where businesses feel obligated to donate to maintain favorable relations with the ruling administration.


3. **Risk of Unchecked Corporate Influence**:

   The scheme allows unlimited corporate donations, even from shell companies, without public accountability. Critics argue that this creates a situation where corporations can use donations to exert policy influence, and those refusing to contribute may face pressure or unfavorable treatment. This setup raises concerns that political parties, especially those in power, could implicitly pressure corporations into funding their campaigns to secure future contracts or avoid regulatory challenges.


4. **Supreme Court Rulings and Observations**:

   In its recent ruling declaring the scheme unconstitutional, the Supreme Court highlighted the risks posed by anonymous and unlimited donations. The Court noted that these conditions undermine political equality and allow for opaque financial flows, which can lead to unethical pressures on donors and potential misuse of political influence to obtain funding.

While there is no concrete evidence of extortion linked directly to electoral bonds, the system’s opacity and concentration of control have led to widespread concerns that it could be exploited to coerce donations indirectly, especially from corporations dependent on government contracts or licenses. This concern underscores why many advocates are calling for reforms to ensure greater transparency and accountability in political funding.

 ===

The Electoral Bonds Scheme in India has been criticized as potentially functioning as an "extortion racket" for the ruling government, but this claim is based on perceived risks rather than documented evidence. Concerns stem from the lack of transparency and centralization of donor information, which critics argue could allow the ruling party to pressure or coerce corporate donors. Here’s a breakdown of the major points fueling this perception:

 

1. Centralized Donor Information and Potential for Coercion:

   Since only the State Bank of India (SBI) and the government can access donor identities, critics argue that this creates an opportunity for the ruling government to subtly pressure corporations into donating, especially those with significant government contracts or regulatory dependencies. The fear is that the anonymity to the public combined with government access might be used to "reward" loyal donors or to pressure others into contributing to avoid unfavorable treatment.

 

2. Increased Dependence on Corporate Funding:

   With the removal of caps on corporate donations, there’s concern that corporations might feel obligated to donate large sums to the ruling party to secure favorable policy outcomes or avoid negative attention. This could theoretically create an environment where corporations feel "forced" to donate to remain in good standing with the government, making the scheme appear as a tool for coercive influence.

 

3. Uneven Distribution of Funds:

   Reports indicate that a significant majority of electoral bond funds have gone to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). For instance, between 2019 and 2024, it’s estimated that the BJP received more than 60% of the funds distributed through electoral bonds, raising questions about whether other parties are unable to attract similar donations due to the ruling party’s advantage in controlling donor information. Critics argue this disparity hints at possible coercive tactics or implicit expectations from donors aligned with the ruling party.

 

4. Supreme Court’s Concerns:

   In its February 2024 judgment declaring the scheme unconstitutional, the Supreme Court emphasized that the Electoral Bonds Scheme lacked transparency, undermined political equality, and had the potential to facilitate unethical influence over donors. The Court pointed out that donors might feel pressured to donate to the ruling party, suggesting that the scheme could indeed be misused to favor those in power, thus indirectly enabling an environment that could be perceived as coercive.

 

While the term "extortion racket" might be strong, the criticisms focus on the potential for misuse of the scheme’s anonymity and centralization features, creating an environment where donors may feel coerced into supporting the ruling party to maintain favorable treatment. These concerns have driven calls for greater transparency and legislative reforms to ensure fairer political funding practices.   

The Electoral Bonds Scheme in India has been criticized as potentially functioning as an "extortion racket" for the ruling government, but this claim is based on perceived risks rather than documented evidence. Concerns stem from the lack of transparency and centralization of donor information, which critics argue could allow the ruling party to pressure or coerce corporate donors. Here’s a breakdown of the major points fueling this perception: 

1. **Centralized Donor Information and Potential for Coercion**:

   Since only the State Bank of India (SBI) and the government can access donor identities, critics argue that this creates an opportunity for the ruling government to subtly pressure corporations into donating, especially those with significant government contracts or regulatory dependencies. The fear is that the anonymity to the public combined with government access might be used to "reward" loyal donors or to pressure others into contributing to avoid unfavorable treatment.

 

2. **Increased Dependence on Corporate Funding**:

   With the removal of caps on corporate donations, there’s concern that corporations might feel obligated to donate large sums to the ruling party to secure favorable policy outcomes or avoid negative attention. This could theoretically create an environment where corporations feel "forced" to donate to remain in good standing with the government, making the scheme appear as a tool for coercive influence. 

3. **Uneven Distribution of Funds**:

   Reports indicate that a significant majority of electoral bond funds have gone to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). For instance, between 2019 and 2024, it’s estimated that the BJP received more than 60% of the funds distributed through electoral bonds, raising questions about whether other parties are unable to attract similar donations due to the ruling party’s advantage in controlling donor information. Critics argue this disparity hints at possible coercive tactics or implicit expectations from donors aligned with the ruling party.

 

4. **Supreme Court’s Concerns**:

   In its February 2024 judgment declaring the scheme unconstitutional, the Supreme Court emphasized that the Electoral Bonds Scheme lacked transparency, undermined political equality, and had the potential to facilitate unethical influence over donors. The Court pointed out that donors might feel pressured to donate to the ruling party, suggesting that the scheme could indeed be misused to favor those in power, thus indirectly enabling an environment that could be perceived as coercive.

While the term "extortion racket" might be strong, the criticisms focus on the potential for misuse of the scheme’s anonymity and centralization features, creating an environment where donors may feel coerced into supporting the ruling party to maintain favorable treatment. These concerns have driven calls for greater transparency and legislative reforms to ensure fairer political funding practices.`


The Supreme Court of India declared the Electoral Bonds Scheme unconstitutional, primarily because it enabled opaque political financing and potentially compromised transparency and accountability. Initially introduced in 2018, the scheme allowed individuals and companies to buy bonds anonymously from the State Bank of India (SBI) and donate them to political parties without disclosing donor identities publicly. Although designed to reduce cash transactions and ensure cleaner political funding, the scheme's structure allowed for anonymity, which the Court found was against citizens’ right to know the sources of political funding.

Key issues that led to this ruling include concerns that the scheme disproportionately favored the ruling party, as donations could be directed by major corporations and business interests without public scrutiny, potentially skewing the political landscape. Additionally, critics and the Court highlighted the lack of transparency, which allowed corporate donors to exert influence over political parties in ways the public could not see or regulate. Recent data, released as per Supreme Court orders, showed that the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) received a significant majority of these funds, which fueled accusations of unfair advantage and raised further ethical concerns about how the scheme could be misused.

This landmark decision aims to ensure political parties maintain accountability to the public and adhere to transparent financial practices. The Supreme Court mandated that all data related to these bonds be made public by SBI, a measure intended to restore transparency and reduce the risks of undue influence and potential misuse of anonymous political donations.

For further details, the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) has been actively documenting the impact of the Electoral Bonds Scheme on political funding in India.

The Congress recently questioned the Election Commission's (EC) decision to order the removal of social media posts related to the controversial Electoral Bonds scheme. This directive came after the platform X (formerly Twitter) removed posts from multiple political figures, including those from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), YSR Congress, and Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary, under instructions from the EC to uphold the Model Code of Conduct for the 2024 elections. Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate criticized this action, asserting that it appeared to suppress discussions on electoral bonds, an issue that, according to the opposition, "makes the government extremely uncomfortable."

 

The Congress argued that this selective censorship reflects a larger trend in which the government allegedly leverages regulatory mechanisms to curb online criticism while being more lenient toward hate speech and inflammatory content. Shrinate claimed that donations through the Electoral Bonds scheme often lead to quid pro quo arrangements, benefiting government allies or halting investigations against significant contributors. The opposition insists that electoral bonds are a means for political fundraising that lacks transparency, accusing the ruling party of disproportionately benefiting from these anonymous donations. Furthermore, they allege that government pressure on social media platforms targets unfavorable narratives, a trend reportedly seen during the farmers' protests and other political movements as well.

 

This instance underscores ongoing debates over the Electoral Bonds scheme and concerns over political interference in regulating online discourse during elections, highlighting the opposition's call for greater transparency and impartiality in election oversight.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) and the State Bank of India (SBI) have been scrutinized for their roles in managing and implementing the Electoral Bonds Scheme, with accusations from opposition parties and transparency advocates suggesting that they may have enabled a lack of transparency, which some critics label as concealing potential misuse or corruption.

 Here’s a closer look at the criticisms surrounding their roles:


1. **Limited Transparency and Donor Anonymity**:

   The scheme allows anonymous donations, with only the government and SBI having access to detailed information about the purchasers of electoral bonds. The ECI, which is responsible for ensuring free and fair elections, faced criticism for permitting a system where the public lacks access to information about who is funding political parties. This lack of transparency, critics argue, disproportionately benefits the ruling party, as large corporate donors may contribute without public accountability, thus skewing democratic processes and potentially pressuring donors to support the government in power.

2. **Concerns Raised by the Election Commission Itself**:

   Initially, the ECI raised objections to the Electoral Bonds Scheme, warning that the anonymity feature could undermine transparency and the fairness of the electoral process. The ECI highlighted that such anonymity would enable corporations, including shell companies, to channel undisclosed funds to political parties, raising concerns about accountability and fairness. Despite these concerns, the scheme was implemented, leading some to argue that the ECI’s lack of further action contributed to concealing the details of political funding.

 

3. **Supreme Court and Public Criticism**:

   The Supreme Court recently struck down the scheme as unconstitutional, criticizing its lack of transparency and potential for misuse. The Court noted that while SBI is tasked with issuing the bonds, it lacks mechanisms to ensure that the scheme is not used for unethical practices, such as favoring the ruling party with anonymous funds. This ruling underscored that the ECI, along with SBI, played roles in enabling a system that lacked sufficient oversight and accountability.

 

4. **SBI’s Role in Data Control and Information Limitation**:

   SBI’s exclusive control over issuing and tracking the bonds, without disclosing donor details publicly, has been called into question. Opposition parties argue that the lack of public access to donor data, while the government has access to it, creates an uneven playing field. SBI’s role, therefore, is seen as central to facilitating a process that could potentially be exploited for political gain without public scrutiny.

 

The controversy continues to highlight concerns over the opaque nature of the Electoral Bonds Scheme, with critics alleging that both the ECI and SBI, through their roles, allowed a system to persist that could enable the government to benefit from unaccountable political funding. This has fueled ongoing calls for reforms to ensure greater transparency and public accountability in political donations in India.

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The arrest-related order involving Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman over allegations tied to the Electoral Bonds Scheme stemmed from a complaint filed in a Bengaluru court. The court directed an FIR against Sitharaman and others under allegations of "extortion" and "criminal conspiracy." According to the complaint by Adarsh R Iyer of the Janaadhikaara Sangharsha Parishath (JSP), Sitharaman, with support from Enforcement Directorate officials, allegedly facilitated an extortion process, under the guise of electoral bonds, resulting in large financial benefits for certain political figures and officials at both state and national levels. This complaint cited the scheme’s lack of transparency and alleged misuse for political funding.Following the complaint and the recent Supreme Court ruling that struck down the electoral bond scheme as unconstitutional, the case gained renewed legal and political attention. However, the details of the investigation and possible actions remain under deliberation as per procedural law, with opposition figures calling for accountability, though the ruling party dismissed calls for resignation, asserting there was no personal misuse by Sitharaman.

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30. SEBI AND ADANI GROUP

The SEBI investigation into the Adani Group and related allegations of irregularities has been a prominent issue in India’s financial and regulatory landscape in recent years. Concerns were raised about alleged stock manipulation, opaque offshore funding, and potential violations of securities laws in the group’s trading practices. Here’s an overview of the situation:

 

 1. Background of the Allegations

   - In early 2023, the U.S.-based investment research firm Hindenburg Research released a report accusing the Adani Group of stock price manipulation and accounting fraud. The report claimed that the conglomerate used offshore shell companies to artificially inflate stock prices of its listed companies, thereby misleading investors.

   - The report led to a sharp drop in the share prices of Adani Group companies, erasing billions of dollars in market value. This raised concerns in India’s financial circles, prompting regulatory scrutiny from SEBI and other authorities.

 

 2. Role of SEBI in the Investigation

   - Regulatory Oversight: SEBI, as the primary securities market regulator, took on the responsibility of investigating the allegations to determine if any laws or securities regulations had been violated. SEBI’s focus was to uncover any irregularities in stock price manipulation, related-party transactions, and the use of offshore entities.

   - Offshore Funding Scrutiny: One of SEBI's main tasks was to look into the sources of funds for the offshore entities reportedly connected to the Adani Group. According to SEBI regulations, foreign investments in Indian companies require a high level of transparency, especially regarding beneficial ownership.

   - Investor Protection: SEBI is responsible for safeguarding retail investors. Following the report's publication and the subsequent crash in Adani’s stock prices, there was an increased emphasis on investor protection, with SEBI initiating steps to examine if adequate disclosures had been made to investors by Adani Group companies.

 

 3. Key Allegations Under SEBI’s Review

   - Stock Manipulation: The Hindenburg report alleged that the Adani Group manipulated the stock prices of its companies to inflate valuations artificially. SEBI investigated if these practices involved "pump and dump" schemes, where prices are inflated to later be sold off at high valuations.

   - Opaque Offshore Entities: The report claimed that the Adani Group used offshore shell companies, particularly in Mauritius, to route funds back to its entities in India. SEBI examined if these offshore entities complied with Indian laws on foreign funding, beneficial ownership, and market disclosures.

   - Related-Party Transactions: There were allegations of significant transactions between Adani companies and entities allegedly controlled by family members or associates. SEBI looked into whether these transactions were disclosed as required under the law, and if they represented a conflict of interest.

 

 4. Supreme Court Intervention

   - Following the release of the Hindenburg report, the Supreme Court of India intervened and directed SEBI to conduct an in-depth investigation. The Court also appointed a special committee to oversee the investigation and ensure its integrity.

   - The committee included former judges and financial experts tasked with reviewing SEBI’s progress and findings. This judicial oversight underscored the seriousness of the allegations and aimed to ensure a thorough and transparent investigation.

 

 5. Challenges in the SEBI Investigation

   - Lack of Transparency in Offshore Structures: SEBI faced difficulties in tracing beneficial ownership structures, particularly when funds flowed through jurisdictions like Mauritius, the UAE, and the Caribbean, known for banking secrecy laws.

   - Cross-Border Jurisdiction: Since much of the alleged irregularities involved foreign entities, SEBI had to rely on international regulatory cooperation. This created hurdles in accessing information promptly.

   - Market Volatility: The Adani case significantly impacted investor sentiment, especially in sectors where the Adani Group has a dominant presence (e.g., ports, power, and renewable energy). SEBI had to balance its regulatory response to prevent market disruptions while maintaining a transparent investigation.

 

 6. Adani Group’s Response

   - The Adani Group denied the allegations, asserting that the Hindenburg report was “maliciously mischievous” and intended to harm its reputation. It claimed full compliance with SEBI and other regulatory norms in India.

   - The Group also initiated legal proceedings against Hindenburg Research, arguing that the report was misleading and aimed at short-selling to profit from the fall in Adani stocks.

 

 7. Outcomes and SEBI's Recommendations

   - Disclosure Requirements: SEBI has emphasized the need for stronger regulations surrounding disclosure of beneficial ownership, particularly for entities with large foreign investments.

   - Investor Safeguards: SEBI has worked on introducing new measures to protect retail investors from sudden price crashes in cases where irregularities are discovered in large companies. For example, margin requirements and circuit limits are being reconsidered for high-volatility stocks.

   - Strengthened Regulatory Framework: To prevent similar situations in the future, SEBI has been evaluating its rules on related-party transactions, insider trading, and the use of offshore entities for Indian stock market investments.

 

 8. Current Status and Broader Impact

   - As of the latest updates, SEBI is in the advanced stages of its investigation and is expected to submit a detailed report on its findings. However, the impact of the case continues to be felt, as it has raised questions about corporate governance, transparency, and the regulatory landscape in India.

   - This investigation has led SEBI to propose more stringent regulatory checks on foreign inflows, high-risk stocks, and disclosure norms, which could shape the future of Indian markets.In summary, the SEBI and Adani irregularities investigation represents a significant test of regulatory oversight in India, shedding light on the complex relationship between large conglomerates, offshore funding, and the financial system.

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The accusations against the Sebi chief range from alleged financial misconduct and conflicts of interest to claims of a toxic work environment. As these allegations pile up, it's not just external forces like opposition parties or explosive short-seller reports causing trouble. India’s market regulator is facing a threat to its credibility after a barrage of allegations against its chief, top fund managers have told in press report.  Multiple charges, mostly around conflict of interest, have surfaced against Madhabi Puri Buch, chairperson of the Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi), from at least four different corners over the past month. She has denied most of them and not publicly responded to some.  This comes amid a bull run in India’s equity markets, which are among the world’s best performing this year.

 

Foreign investors have pumped in over $6bn (£4.5bn), while millions of new mom-and-pop investors have opened electronic accounts to invest in a mutual funds and initial public offering (IPO) frenzy.

Trouble for Ms Buch began in August when US-based short-seller Hindenburg Research accused her and her husband of holding investments in an offshore fund used by the Adani Group, implying it was why Sebi was dragging its feet on an investigation against Adani over allegations of accounting fraud and market manipulation.  Since then a number of other accusations have come to the fore.

 

The main opposition Congress party has accused Ms Buch of receiving rental income from a company she was investigating. It has also alleged that she held an "office of profit" at ICICI Bank, one of India’s largest private lenders, continuing to earn large sums of money through Employee Stock Ownership Plans (Esops) long after her stint with them was over.  Subhash Chandra Goyal, the chairman emeritus of media giant Zee Entertainment Enterprises, blamed her for the collapse of a merger between his company and Sony Enterprises, stating "I am convinced that the Sebi chairperson is corrupt" and calling her "vindictive" in a press conference. He is currently facing regulatory action, charges of fund diversion and is barred from holding key posts in listed firms.

 

But perhaps most damaging of all is growing internal dissent within Sebi, which has now spilled out into the public domain.  On 5 September, furious staff members staged a rare protest outside the regulator’s headquarters demanding Ms Buch’s resignation. Around 1,000 employees had reportedly complained of a toxic work culture in a letter to the finance ministry earlier, local media reported. They complained of "immense pressure" and "shouting, scolding and public humiliation” becoming a norm in meetings.  Sebi has publicly rejected the claims as “misplaced”, adding that “junior officers have been misguided, perhaps by external elements”.  However, protesters on Thursday called for an immediate retraction of this statement.

 

“This is unprecedented,” says Hemindra Hazari, an independent business analyst. “Until yesterday it was allegations from the outside, now internal problems have become public. Something is seriously wrong.”  Ms Buch has strongly defended herself, denying any conflict of interest claims in the Hindenburg case, while ICICI Bank has denied paying her a salary or Esops and said she only received her retirement benefits after she left the bank. The Sebi chief has so far not made a public statement on protesting employees or the criticisms levelled at her by Mr Chandra.  An alumnus of India’s premier management school, Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad, Ms Buch is a trailblazer in many ways. The youngest and first female chairperson to lead Sebi, she became the first chief to have come from a private corporate background.  Despite being credited for reforming Sebi with stricter insider trading rules and auditing frameworks, allegations of a lack of transparency in her own financial affairs raise serious concerns about whether Sebi holds its top officials to the same standards it expects from public companies, experts say.  “The crux of the issue is about disclosure rules governing the senior-most officials at regulatory bodies, given their access to unpublished price-sensitive information. Their orders and decisions can dramatically impact stock prices, raising the stakes for stringent disclosure and compliance norms,” writes Sucheta Dalal, a veteran financial journalist, in a column for Moneylife magazine.

 

Standards for heads of regulators are much more stringent in developed countries where they are required to, for instance, “divest from direct holdings in entities that could post conflict of interest”, says Ms Dalal, adding that certain discrepancies in the statement put out by ICICI Bank about its Esop policy have complicated rather than clarified matters.  Regulators like Sebi typically have political appointees and lateral hires from the private sector. Sebi is run by a board with members from the finance ministry, the central bank and others nominated by the federal government. 

The Buch episode is a “learning” not just for Sebi, but also for other Indian regulators like the insurance watchdog or the Competition Commission to apply more robust disclosure processes, says Shriram Subramanian of the proxy advisory firm InGovern Research.  For the moment, investors seem unperturbed by the events of the past month.   “Global investors already pay a regulatory risk premium when they invest in India, they will ignore this,” said a veteran trader.  But things could take a turn for the worse if the controversy snowballs further, says Mr Hazari.   

“Institutional money can flee if internal warnings go out around compliance issues. And then retail investors will slowly start pulling out of the market,” he adds.  With pressure mounting from both outside and inside Sebi, some say Ms Buch is now faced with the very real question of leaving her post.  Her position was "untenable" a few weeks ago, but has become increasingly "unsustainable" now, Subhash Garg, a former finance secretary, told journalist Barkha Dutt on Mojo Story, a digital outlet.  A resignation or a suspension would be seen as an admission of guilt, which neither Ms Buch nor the government would want.  At least three market experts the BBC spoke with said the most likely outcome of the controversy will be that Ms Buch's appointment won’t be renewed. Her current three-year tenure as chairperson ends in February 2025.  “For me what’s most astounding is that the government has been totally silent. They need to step in now. When serious allegations are made against the head of a regulator, the government or the judiciary are the only higher authorities which can authorise a credible investigation,” said Mr Hazari.  An executive at a foreign fund house who spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity said global investors will watch the way the government handles the matter, and how swiftly it acts.

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Madhabi Puri Buch is the current Chairperson of the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI), appointed in February 2022. She is notably the first woman to head SEBI and also the first person from the private sector to lead the organization. Her tenure is seen as transformative, with an emphasis on improving transparency, technology adoption, and market integrity.

Background and Career

  • Education: Madhabi Buch holds an MBA from the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad.
  • Professional Experience: She has an extensive background in financial services, having worked in various leadership roles within the private sector. She was an executive director at ICICI Bank and has served on the boards of several financial companies and regulatory bodies.
  • Experience with SEBI: Prior to becoming SEBI’s chief, she served as a Whole-Time Member (WTM) at SEBI from 2017 to 2021, during which she oversaw several portfolios, including market surveillance, investment management, and regulation.

Key Initiatives and Regulatory Focus

Under Madhabi Buch’s leadership, SEBI has undertaken various initiatives aimed at strengthening the Indian capital markets, particularly focusing on investor protection, transparency, and the use of technology.

  1. Technology and Data Analytics:

    • Enhanced Surveillance: Buch has emphasized the use of data analytics and artificial intelligence for market surveillance to detect suspicious trading patterns, insider trading, and stock price manipulation.
    • Digital Transformation: SEBI has increased its digital capabilities, making it easier for investors to access information and for SEBI to monitor compliance in real time.
  2. Investor Protection and Transparency:

    • Strengthening Disclosure Norms: She has focused on enhancing disclosure requirements, especially in areas such as related-party transactions, beneficial ownership, and ESG (Environmental, Social, and Governance) compliance. This initiative aims to improve transparency for investors.
    • Retail Investor Safeguards: Buch has initiated reforms to protect retail investors, including regulations on investment advisors, improved access to corporate information, and limiting risks associated with high-volatility stocks.
  3. Corporate Governance and Accountability:

    • Board Independence and Accountability: SEBI, under her leadership, has been pushing for more stringent norms around independent directors and the responsibilities of boards in listed companies.
    • Tighter Regulations on Mutual Funds and Alternative Investments: SEBI has also implemented regulations to prevent conflicts of interest and improve disclosures in mutual fund and alternative investment sectors.
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31. Educational institutions have become the political chair of the Modi government :

Whether it is the appointment of Baldev Sharma, the former editor of RSS mouthpiece Panjjanaya, as Chairman of the National Book Trust, or the appointment of the Chairman of the Hyderabad chapter of the RSS-run, Akhil Bharatiya History Compilation Scheme, Y Sudarshan Rao, (who is not famous as a historian) as Chairman of the Indian Council for Historical Research (ICHR), whether it is the appointment of Modi’s admirer and supporter Zafar Sareshwala as Chancellor of Maulana Azad National Urdu University, or it is the appointment of Gajendra Chauhan, a close aide of BJP as the Chairman of FTII, whether it is the appointment of BJP-RSS’ favorite and formerly associated with ABVP, Prof. Sanjay Dwivedi as the Director General of the ‘Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC), or it is the appointment of BJP MP and National Vice President, Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, as the Chairman of the ICMR, or it is the appointment of the National President of the ‘Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal’ of the RSS, Dr.Satchidanand Joshi, as Secretary of Indira Gandhi National Center for Arts (IGNCA) or it is the appointment of RSS-BJP people as Vice Chancellors or Registrars in Central Universities across the country – There are many examples of this. 15. New Education Policy - Privatization of education and ‘digital divide’ for middle class and poor! The main focus of Education Policy 2020 is ‘Online Education’. In this, it has been claimed to increase the average of students studying through online education from 26 percent to 50 percent. But due to non-availability of computers and internet, students from poor, Dalit, backward, tribal and rural areas will be isolated and a new ‘digital divide’ of the country will be born. The ‘New Credit Policy’ will divide the university and college into separate graces and encourage privatization. 


32. Use of ED, CBI, INCOME TAX etc., and for electoral bonds in india

An analysis of firms which feature among the top purchasers of electoral bonds throws up many curious patterns. One of the common links is that a significant number of companies in the top donor list were under the Enforcement Directorate’s or the Income Tax (I-T) department’s scanner at some point of time in the past five years. In some cases, a chunk of the bonds were bought by these firms, in the days following such searches.  The Future Gaming and Hotel Services PR was the largest donor to political parties via the electoral bond route, with a cumulative sum of ₹1,368 crore. In May 2023, the ED had carried out searches at the residence of Santiago Martin in Chennai, the well-known lottery magnate and the Managing Director of the company. The ED had also conducted searches at the business premises of the company in Coimbatore under the provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA). A year earlier, on April 2, 2022, the ED had attached movable assets worth ₹410 crore under the PMLA in the case of lottery scam against the company and its subsidiaries. Interestingly, five days later, on April 7, 2022, the company made a significant purchase of electoral bonds worth ₹100 crore, marking one of their largest transactions on a single date. Of the ₹1,368 crore worth bonds purchased by the company, 50% were done before the ED searches and 50% after the searches.

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33. Adani Group, a private involvement in the power sector

The Adani Group is made one of India's largest private sector power producers with political mileage, with a significant presence in both conventional and renewable energy generation. Adani’s power plants are part of Adani Power Limited, a subsidiary of the Adani Group, which operates across multiple states in India. Key Power Plants and Projects.  Many questions were raised by the main Opposition political parties that misuse of power .. 

# 1. Mundra Thermal Power Plant (Gujarat)

   - Capacity: 4,620 MW (the largest coal-based power plant in India)

  - Details: Located in Mundra, Gujarat, this plant is Adani Power’s flagship project. It uses supercritical technology to improve efficiency and reduce emissions.

   - Significance: It serves as a major supplier of electricity to various Indian states and exports power to neighboring countries like Bangladesh. 

# 2. Tiroda Thermal Power Plant (Maharashtra)

   - Capacity: 3,300 MW

  - Details: Located in Tiroda, Maharashtra, this plant also uses supercritical technology to ensure higher energy efficiency.

   - Significance: Tiroda is among India’s larger coal-based power plants and caters to Maharashtra’s high electricity demand. 

# 3. Kawai Thermal Power Plant (Rajasthan)

   - Capacity: 1,320 MW

 - Details: This coal-fired power plant, located in Kawai, Rajasthan, is equipped with advanced technology and plays a crucial role in meeting Rajasthan’s power needs.

 - Significance: The Kawai plant contributes to stabilizing the electricity supply in northern India. 

# 4. Udupi Thermal Power Plant (Karnataka)

   - Capacity: 1,200 MW

  - Details: Located in Udupi, Karnataka, this is a coal-based plant originally set up by Lanco Infratech, later acquired by Adani Power.

   - Significance: Udupi is one of the major power sources in the southern grid of India and supplies electricity to the state of Karnataka. 

# 5. Godda Power Plant (Jharkhand)

   - Capacity: 1,600 MW

 - Details: This thermal plant is under construction in Godda, Jharkhand. Once operational, it will primarily supply power to Bangladesh under a long-term power purchase agreement.

   - Significance: Godda is strategically important as it supports India's goal of strengthening ties with Bangladesh through energy trade. 

# 6. Solar and Wind Energy Projects

   - Solar Power: Adani Green Energy, the renewable energy arm of the group, has over 20,000 MW of solar power capacity (installed or under construction) across states like Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Tamil Nadu.

   - Wind Power: Adani has also invested in wind power projects, contributing to India’s renewable energy capacity with facilities in states like Gujarat.

   - Significance: Adani aims to become the world’s largest renewable energy producer by 2030, in alignment with India’s commitment to transitioning towards clean energy. 

 Future Plans and Expansion

   - Green Hydrogen: The Adani Group has announced plans to produce green hydrogen, aiming to establish India as a major player in the global hydrogen economy.

   - Hybrid Renewable Projects: Adani is also working on hybrid renewable projects that combine solar and wind power to provide stable, round-the-clock renewable energy. 

 Environmental and Regulatory Challenges

   -     Environmental Concerns: Adani’s thermal power plants have faced scrutiny over environmental impacts, especially in coal-based projects. There have been calls for better management of emissions and coal ash.

  -   Community and Legal Issues: Some projects have encountered opposition from local communities and activists concerned about land use, water consumption, and air quality.  

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34. CJI Chandrachud and Politics in India:

Chief Justice of India (CJI) D.Y. Chandrachud, who became the 50th Chief Justice of India in November 2022, has been known for his judicial independence, progressive views, and focus on safeguarding constitutional values. While the judiciary in India, especially the Supreme Court, is designed to function independently of political influence, the role of the Chief Justice often intersects with political issues because of the high-profile and impactful cases that come before the court. CJI Chandrachud’s tenure has highlighted the judiciary's role in India's democracy, particularly in interpreting the Constitution and preserving the balance between the judiciary, executive, and legislature. 

 Key Judicial Interventions and Views of CJI Chandrachud 

1. Protection of Constitutional Rights and Civil Liberties:

   - CJI Chandrachud has consistently emphasized the importance of protecting individual freedoms and civil liberties, especially for marginalized groups. He has championed cases that uphold the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution, often ruling in favor of protecting personal freedoms against potential government overreach.

   - Significant Judgments: As a judge, prior to becoming CJI, Chandrachud delivered landmark judgments on privacy (Puttaswamy vs. Union of India), decriminalizing homosexuality (Navtej Johar vs. Union of India), and expanding reproductive rights, particularly for women. 

2. Commitment to Judicial Independence:

   - Justice Chandrachud has maintained a firm stance on judicial independence, which is essential for the rule of law. His commitment is especially relevant in India, where there are frequent calls for reform and closer scrutiny of judicial appointments and functions.

   - Collegium System: Chandrachud has defended the collegium system, which involves the judiciary appointing its own members rather than political or legislative influence. He has advocated for increased transparency in appointments, while also affirming that judicial independence is paramount and should remain separate from executive control. 

3. Handling of Politically Sensitive Cases:

   - During his tenure, the Supreme Court has handled numerous politically sensitive cases, such as issues related to Article 370 (the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's special status), freedom of speech, media regulation, electoral bonds, and cases concerning religious freedoms.

   - In politically charged cases, CJI Chandrachud has emphasized the importance of impartiality, frequently underscoring that the court’s duty is to uphold the Constitution without succumbing to public or political pressures. 

4. Role in Electoral and Democratic Integrity:

   - CJI Chandrachud has recognized the judiciary’s role in maintaining democratic integrity. His comments on electoral reforms, including transparency in political funding and ensuring that election laws are fair and balanced, reflect his belief that the judiciary has a duty to strengthen democratic processes.

   - Electoral Bond Scheme: The scheme, which allows anonymous donations to political parties, has raised concerns about transparency in political funding. CJI Chandrachud has acknowledged these concerns and pushed for judicial scrutiny of policies that might affect the fairness of elections. 

5. Digital and Media Freedom:

   - Justice Chandrachud has shown strong support for media freedoms and digital rights, especially in the face of digital censorship and surveillance. Recognizing that an independent press and freedom of expression are pillars of democracy, he has argued for balancing national security concerns with citizens' rights to information and free speech.

   - Internet Freedom: He has spoken on the significance of digital freedom, emphasizing that the right to access information is integral to personal liberty and should not be unduly restricted without compelling reasons. 

6. Legal Reforms and Access to Justice:

   - CJI Chandrachud has been vocal about making the judiciary more accessible and efficient. He has promoted the digitization of court processes and virtual hearings, aiming to make justice delivery faster and more accessible, especially in remote areas.

   - Digital Courts Initiative: Under his leadership, the judiciary has made significant strides in using technology, such as video conferencing and digital filing systems, to expedite legal proceedings and improve access to justice.

 

7. Social Justice and Equality:

   - CJI Chandrachud has advocated for judicial decisions that promote social justice, equality, and inclusivity. His judgments and statements reflect an emphasis on advancing the rights of women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and economically marginalized groups.

   - His stance has resonated with many who believe that the judiciary plays a role in shaping a more just and equitable society, especially when legislative action falls short. 

 Interaction with Politics in India 

While CJI Chandrachud himself does not engage directly in politics, his decisions and views frequently impact the political landscape, as the Supreme Court’s rulings can either uphold or challenge government policies. In India’s current context, where political power is centralized and public institutions face challenges to their autonomy, the judiciary, under leaders like CJI Chandrachud, serves as a critical check on government power.

  Criticisms and Challenges on CJI

CJI Chandrachud has faced some criticism from political figures and sections of the media, especially over decisions perceived as counter to the government’s stance. Additionally, the judiciary’s involvement in high-stakes political cases places it in the public eye, sometimes leading to accusations of judicial overreach. Despite this, CJI Chandrachud’s focus on transparency, constitutional rights, and judicial independence has largely been seen as reinforcing the judiciary's critical role in upholding India’s democratic principles. Cases of SIT formation for investigations on Electrol bond, Court judgement on Babri masjid, Court judgement on murder or death of Judge Loya and other doubtful death of related Judges.  Delay in grant of  bail to political sufferers.


 Conclusion-CJI Chandrachud’s tenure has highlighted the judiciary's role as a pillar of Indian democracy, committed to constitutional values and judicial independence. His leadership has underscored the importance of protecting civil liberties, ensuring the transparency of government actions, and upholding democratic processes—all of which can impact the political dynamics in India by holding authorities accountable and reinforcing the constitutional framework. His approach reaffirms that, while the judiciary may intersect with political issues, it stands to protect the rule of law and democratic values above all.

35. 'Bulldozer Justice is Unacceptable': SC Directs Action Against Yogi's Officials For Illegal Demolition.

If “bulldozer justice” was permitted, the constitutional recognition of the right to property under Article 300A would be reduced to a dead letter, the court observed in a strong indictment of the arbitrary demolition of properties in BJP- ruled Uttar Pradesh.  “Justice through bulldozers is unknown to any civilised system of jurisprudence. There is a grave danger that if high handed and unlawful behaviour is permitted by any wing or officer of the state, demolition of citizens’ properties will take place as a selective reprisal for extraneous reasons,” the apex court said. Court directs UP government to pay compensation of Rs. 25 lakh to senior journalist.  A three-judge Bench comprising outgoing Chief Justice of India D.Y Chandrachud along with Justices JB Pardiwala and Manoj Misra made the observations on November 6 while directing the Yogi Adityanath-led Uttar Pradesh government to pay senior journalist Manoj Tibrewal a compensation of Rs 25 lakh after his ancestral house and shop were unlawfully demolished by officials for widening a road.

Tibrewal had in October 2019 written to the court complaining of the unlawful demolition of his property in Mohalla Hamid Nagar in Maharajganj district. The court had registered the complaint as a suo motu writ petition and in 2020 issued notice to the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police Maharajganj.

After going through the disclosures made by the government, the Supreme Court ruled that the “demolition was high-handed and without the authority of law.” 

“The demolition was preceded only by a Munadi (public announcement through drum beating). There was no written notice; and no disclosure of the basis of demarcation or the extent of the demolition to the occupiers. Even in respect of the area allegedly encroached no due process was followed and a written notice was not issued,” said the court.

https://inc.in/congress-sandesh/economy/8-years-8-frauds-bjp-government-failed

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